The new class war Saving democracy from the managerial elite

Michael Lind, 1962-

Book - 2020

"A maverick thinker who's drawn the applause of both the populist left and right offers a searing indictment of the managerial elite. Mainstream politicians and pundits explain today's populist unrest as a simple divide between "winners" and "losers." They recognize that globalization has created massive inequalities, but these are inevitable, they say--and the best we can do is throw a sop to the "deplorables" to keep them from revolting. But what if the key problem isn't the reaction of the "deplorables," but that the overclass that has rigged the game in its own favor? In The New Class War, Michael Lind exposes globalization for what it really is: a strategy used by the powerful... managerial elite--including the people who run our governments, businesses, and the media--to undermine the working class. This book confronts us with hard truths: Trade and immigration really have damaged many members of the working class. Globalization is not an inexorable force that everyone should embrace and adapt to. Instead, since the end of the Cold War globalization has been a strategy that serves the selfish interests of those who have the education and other advantages to make the most of it. No one is better positioned to make this controversial case. Contributing to publications ranging from Jacobin and NPR to American Affairs and National Review, Lind has the ear of influential sources across party lines. This is a book for anyone enraged by the smug selfishness of our elites and their attempts to disguise themselves as do-gooders"--

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Subjects
Published
[New York, New York] : Portfolio/Penguin [2020]
Language
English
Main Author
Michael Lind, 1962- (author)
Physical Description
xv, 203 pages ; 22 cm
Bibliography
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN
9780593083697
  • Introduction
  • Chapter 1. The New Class War
  • Chapter 2. Hubs and Heartlands: The Battlegrounds of the New Class War
  • Chapter 3. World Wars and New Deals
  • Chapter 4. The Neoliberal Revolution from Above
  • Chapter 5. The Populist Counterrevolution from Below
  • Chapter 6. Russian Puppets and Nazis: How the Managerial Elite Demonizes Populist Voters
  • Chapter 7. The Workerless Paradise: The Inadequacy of Neoliberal Reform
  • Chapter 8. Countervailing Power: Toward a New Democratic Pluralism
  • Chapter 9. Making the World Safe for Democratic Pluralism
  • Epilogue
  • Acknowledgments
  • Notes
  • Index

Introduction On the night of July 14, 1789, legend has it, news of the fall of the Bastille was brought by a duke to the king of France, Louis XVI. "Then it's a re­volt?" the king asked. The duke replied: "No, sire, it's a rev­olution."   On June 23, 2016, a majority of British voters passed the Brexit referendum requiring the United Kingdom to leave the European Union. A few months after that political earth­quake, on November 8, 2016, came an even more shocking event: the election of Donald Trump as president of the United States.   Since then, throughout Europe, centrist parties have lost voters to outsider parties and politicians-- sometimes on the left but more often on the populist and nationalist right. In the summer of 2018, a coalition of the right-wing populist League and the antiestablishment Five Star Movement came to power in Italy. In Germany, the center- left Social Demo­crats imploded, losing voters to insurgent movements on the right and left. Nations that were said to be immune to nationalist populism, like Sweden, Germany, and Spain, have seen insurgent populist parties enter their parliaments.   Under Emmanuel Macron, a former civil servant and in­vestment banker who defeated the national populist candidate Marine Le Pen in 2017, France at first seemed immune to up­heaval. "Emmanuel Macron's victory in the French presiden­tial election clearly demonstrates that the populist dominos in advanced economies outside the Anglo- Saxon world were not even close to falling," Jacob Funk Kirkegaard, a senior fellow at the Peterson Institute for International Economics (PIIE), a free market think tank in Washington, DC, declared in May 2017, in an essay entitled "Macron's Victory Signals Reform in France and a Stronger Europe." Nearly a year later, in April 2018, Will Marshall of the Progressive Policy Institute, an ar­chitect of the "New Democrat" movement associated with the Clintons, published an essay in Politico arguing that the French president proved that promarket neoliberal centrists could de­feat the forces of populism and nationalism: "How Emmanuel Macron Became the New Leader of the Free World."   Then, beginning in November 2018, protests that were initially directed against the impact of an increase in fuel prices on suburban, small- town, and rural French working- class citizens escalated into months of violent clashes among police and protesters that filled central Paris with tear gas and burning cars and ignited protests across France.   "Then it's a revolt?"   "No, sire, it's a revolution."   Indeed it is. Europe and North America are experiencing the greatest revolutionary wave of political protest since the 1960s or perhaps the 1930s.3 Except in France, the transatlan­tic revolution to date has remained nonviolent. But it is a rev­olution nonetheless. Excerpted from The New Class War: Saving Democracy from the Managerial Elite by Michael Lind All rights reserved by the original copyright owners. Excerpts are provided for display purposes only and may not be reproduced, reprinted or distributed without the written permission of the publisher.