Biased Uncovering the hidden prejudice that shapes what we see, think, and do

Jennifer L. Eberhardt

Book - 2019

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Subjects
Published
New York : Viking [2019]
Language
English
Main Author
Jennifer L. Eberhardt (author)
Physical Description
340 pages : illustrations ; 24 cm
Bibliography
Includes bibliographical references (pages 305-325) and index.
ISBN
9780735224933
  • Introduction
  • Part I. What Meets the Eye
  • Chapter 1. Seeing Each Other
  • Chapter 2. Nurturing Bias
  • Part II. Where We Find Ourselves
  • Chapter 3. A Bad Dude
  • Chapter 4. Male Black
  • Chapter 5. How Free People Think
  • Chapter 6. The Scary Monster
  • Part III. The Way Out
  • Chapter 7. The Comfort of Home
  • Chapter 8. Hard Lessons
  • Chapter 9. Higher Learning
  • Chapter 10. The Bottom Line
  • Conclusion
  • Acknowledgments
  • Sources
  • Illustration Credits
  • Index
Review by New York Times Review

LAST WINTER A CELLPHONE VIDEO of an encounter between a white plainclothes Boston police officer and a young black man made the rounds on social media. The man, identified by The Boston Globe as Keith Antonio, was on his way to a barbershop when he spotted a police car. Thinking he was about to be stopped, he hit record. The officer, Zachary Crossen - beefy, with an expressive frown and a knitted gray and gold Boston Bruins hat - called to Antonio from the passenger seat, his window rolled down. "You're not Kevin, by any chance, are you?" he asked. Antonio replied, "No." "You sure?" "Of course," Antonio said. "What is your name?" Officer Crossen asked. "Why do you want to know my name?" came the reply. Things went downhill. Crossen and his partner got out of their car. Antonio apparently flipped them off. He began calling Crossen names. The officer pulled out his own cellphone to record and asked Antonio patronizing questions about whether he had a job. No one ended up getting hurt, and Antonio, who hadn't committed a crime, wasn't arrested. But activists seized on the exchange. It was evidence, they said, of the hostile treatment African-Americans continue to receive from the police, even in cities like Boston, known for progressive values. Would a young white man have been accosted in the same way? Jennifer L. Eberhardt, a psychologist at Stanford, doesn't address the incident in "Biased," her unexpectedly poignant overview of the research on cognitive biases and stereotypes, especially racial bias in criminal justice. But it's no stretch to think that she would see bias at play. The biases that most interest Eberhardt aren't overtly racist beliefs. She doesn't doubt that white supremacists are still among us (and she devotes a chapter to the white nationalist rally in Charlottesville, Va., in 2017). But in light of the fact that public opinion surveys show a decline in racist attitudes over the past few decades, while the unequal treatment of people of color stubbornly persists, Eberhardt focuses on a more likely culprit: unconscious prejudice. As Eberhardt describes it, the human brain is a categorization machine. Our cognitive systems continuously sort the elements of our perception into categories and subcategories so that we can function effectively in the world. That thing walking up to us now? It's a dog, medium-size, with a wagging tail. We use our prior experience with and cultural knowledge of categories to form expectations about what's going to happen next. Those expectations influence our behavior. If our brains didn't apply categorical knowledge, usually before we've had a chance to consciously reflect, we'd experience everything as if for the first time. We'd be flummoxed by the simplest task. The problem is that when we live in a society divided by race, gender, class or some other category, our brains learn those social groupings, too, and apply them to order our perceptual field, even when they are more arbitrary than real, even when the "knowledge" attached is a pernicious stereotype and even if we're committed to equality. This is implicit bias. Eberhardt gives striking examples from her research of how racial categories and stereotypes affect perception. In one study, she and her colleagues found that people's brains were more active when they were looking at a face from someone of their own racial group. This, Eberhardt says, helps to explain why people sometimes do poorly at recognizing individuals from other groups - a finding that matters for criminal justice, where mistaken identification is common. In another study, Eberhardt examined the stereotype linking black men and crime. Police officers were asked to look at a computer screen. Half were exposed subliminally to crime-related words like "apprehend" and "capture"; these blinked for a fraction of a second. The other half was exposed to gibberish. The officers then saw two faces side by side, one black, one white. The officers who were "primed" to think about crime looked more at the black face. The same stereotype, she discovered, affects perceptions of physical movement. Analyzing data from the New York Police Department, Eberhardt learned that black men were far more likely than white men to have been stopped for engaging in what's called "furtive movement" - suspicious behavior like fidgeting with something at your waistline. Yet among those stopped, whites more often had a weapon. The stereotype that black men are involved in crime led the police to perceive danger and illegality when there was none. Eberhardt connects the dots to national statistics showing that unarmed AfricanAmericans are killed by the police at a higher rate than unarmed whites. The experiments and observational studies reported in "Biased" are important and illuminating. They're brought to life by stories from Eberhardt's own experience. Early in the book, for example, she writes about moving, when she was 12, from a mostly black neighborhood to a white suburb. Eberhardt, who is AfricanAmerican, describes the difficulties she faced in her new school telling her white classmates apart. (The experience got her interested in how people identify faces.) A police stop in Boston in the early 1990s that turned ugly, on the eve of her graduation from Harvard with a Ph.D., recommitted her to studying the psychology of bias and the roots of police violence. When she tells of teaching a class inside San Quentin prison, where she was forced to confront her own biases, or recounts conversations with her children about prejudice, we glimpse what it's like to be her: a scholar of race who is still sometimes taken aback by its pervasiveness and power. The book has one weakness. Eberhardt doesn't spend much time on alternative hypotheses. Implicit bias isn't the only way to think about the encounter in Boston between Antonio and Crossen, or the millions of other encounters that take place each year between citizens and the police. To a sociologist, what stands out most about the exchange between the two men is that it was an exchange, an interaction, a back and forth. Many interactions are, in effect, "deference rituals." When two people of unequal social status interact - for example, teacher/student, boss/employee or doctor/patient - it's typical for the person of higher status to expect that deference be paid: that the lower-status person acknowledge his subordinate position, if only subtly, through speech or behavior. In a classic article from 1975, the sociologists Richard Sykes and John Clark drew out the implications for police-minority relations. In a racially unequal society, whites (who predominate in law enforcement) may see themselves as occupying a higher rung than people of color. Cops, whatever their race, see themselves as symbols of law and the upstanding members of their community. So they expect deference - and may be more inclined to stop and question people from lower-status groups from whom they think they can command it. But citizens who have endured mistreatment from the police in the past may be in no mood to defer. And why should they have to be more deferential than anyone else? Conflict results; the exchange between Crossen and Antonio is a case in point. Some police officers interpret anything other than docility as a challenge to their authority, even an indication of danger or guilt. At the same time, as the sociologist Nikki Jones has shown, when people stopped frequently by the police learn to display complete deference - for example, submitting themselves to pat-downs without complaint, perhaps heeding the advice of parents who have given them "the talk" - they pay for it in self-esteem. It's no-win. Prompted in part by Eberhardt's research, law enforcement agencies have been investing in training designed to counteract implicit bias and reduce racial disparities. Abroader approach focused on unraveling the twisted social logic of deference could bring real benefits too. When she was teaching a class at Sein Quentin, Eberhardt was forced to confront her own biases. NEIL GROSS is a professor of sociology at Colby College.

Copyright (c) The New York Times Company [August 23, 2019]
Review by Booklist Review

Stanford psychology professor and Mac­Arthur fellow Eberhardt tackles the difficult subject of racial bias and how it affects our everyday interactions in this enlightening and essential exploration. Drawing from her own experiences and those of her family as well as her work consulting with the Oakland police department, Eberhardt elucidates the ways long-held associations between Black men and criminality have led to prejudices both subtle and overt when it comes to eyewitness descriptions, pursuing suspects, and the split-second assessment of an action as threatening or not. She points out glaring discrepancies in the ways white candidates are favored over people of color with the same qualifications for everything from job applications to Airbnb rentals. And she limns her own experiences, from her young sons' eye-opening comments that reveal their internalized reactions to societal biases to her harrowing arrest the day before she received her PhD after being pulled over by an overzealous cop. Though there's no easy answer, Eberhardt posits the key to change is confronting bias head-on rather than trying to pretend it doesn't exist, and to question and challenge our own snap judgments and their sources. This is a seminal work on a topic that necessitates wide and frank discussion.--Kristine Huntley Copyright 2010 Booklist

From Booklist, Copyright (c) American Library Association. Used with permission.
Review by Publisher's Weekly Review

In this eye-opening explanation of implicit racial bias, Eberhardt, a MacArthur Fellow and social psychologist at Stanford University, melds laboratory research and personal experience, recounting how she came to understand how the way humans process information impacts the lives of those around them. She lays out psychological research proving that racial bias is wired into human brains; her group's "was the first neuroimaging study to demonstrate that there is a neural component to the same-race advantage" in facial recognition-the increased ability to distinguish among and recognize people's faces when they are the same race as the person seeing them (which she also recounts experiencing herself after moving from a majority-black to a majority-white neighborhood as a teen). She also looks at systemic manifestations of bias, such as residential segregation and discrimination in education. In a look at the human impact of bias, Eberhardt explains the bias behind each step in the decision of an Oklahoma police officer in 2016 to shoot Terence Crutcher, a black man whose car had stalled, and interviews his sister about the tragedy of losing a family member under such circumstances. Though there's a section titled "The Way Out," Eberhardt doesn't offer many concrete suggestions for solutions, making the book feel like it overpromises on that element. But Eberhardt's combination of smartly chosen stories and impressively accessible research makes this essential reading for psychology aficionados and people invested in social justice. (Mar.) © Copyright PWxyz, LLC. All rights reserved.


Review by Library Journal Review

Author and narrator Eberhardt (psychology, Stanford Univ.) has spent decades studying bias with a focus on unconscious bias. She explains how our brain's organizational schema, which works in our favor as we try to process the world, leads to creating biases for us, most of them without our awareness. Each conclusion presented is backed by extensive research, which is explained in detail and in layman's language. She also packs the book with personal narratives, some of them from her own experience, as well as many from her work with police departments across the country. Bias comes in many forms, and Eberhardt examines biases around race, gender, age, and more, as well as the effects they have on our lives, whether we know it or not. She also looks at how we can combat bias and move forward as individuals and as a society. Eberhardt has a strong, pleasant voice with an unusual cadence and delivers an excellent listening experience. VERDICT Highly recommended for all public libraries.--Gretchen Pruett, New Braunfels P.L., TX

(c) Copyright Library Journals LLC, a wholly owned subsidiary of Media Source, Inc. No redistribution permitted.
Review by Kirkus Book Review

An internationally renowned expert on implicit racial bias breaks down the science behind our prejudices and their influence in nearly all areas of society and culture.MacArthur Fellow Eberhardt (Psychology/Stanford Univ.; co-editor: Confronting Racism, 1998) challenges the idea that addressing bias is merely a personal choice. Rather, "it is a social agenda, a moral stance." Relying on her neuroscientific research, consulting work, and personal anecdotes, the author astutely examines how stereotypes influence our perceptions, thoughts, and actions. Stereotypes, such as "the association of black people and crime," are shaped by media, history, culture, and our families. A leader in the law enforcement training movement, Eberhardt recounts high-profile cases of police shooting unarmed black people, and she documents her own fears as a mother of three black sons. Though "more than 99 percent of police contacts happen with no police use of force at all," black people are stopped by police disproportionately and are more likely to suffer physical violence. Only a tiny fraction of officers involved in questionable shootings are prosecuted, and convictions are rare. Through her work, the author teaches officers to understand how their biases inform their interactions with the communities they are charged with protecting and serving. She shares informative case studies from her work with Airbnb and Nextdoor, an online information-sharing platform for neighbors, when bias among the sites' users led to racial profiling and discrimination. Eberhardt also looks at bias in the criminal justice system, education, housing and immigration, and the workplace. A chapter on her visit to the University of Virginia after the 2017 white nationalist rally in Charlottesville is, much like the book as a whole, simultaneously scholarly illuminating, and heartbreaking. Throughout, Eberhardt makes it clear that diversity is not enough. Only through the hard work of recognizing our biases and controlling them can we "free ourselves from the tight grip of history."Compelling and provocative, this is a game-changing book about how unconscious racial bias impacts our society and what each of us can do about it. Copyright Kirkus Reviews, used with permission.

Copyright (c) Kirkus Reviews, used with permission.

Introduction I walked in through a sea of navy-blue uniforms. The auditorium was filled to capacity, with 132 sworn members of the Oakland Police Department sitting motionless with perfect posture: erect, arms crossed. As I walked down the aisle to take the stage, I could not see their faces, but I already knew what they were thinking. The road to this particular presentation was a long one. The police force was still recovering from a major scandal that had left a legacy of distrust in the community. I was just wrapping up a two-year report that was about to be released to the public--one of the final steps required by the federal oversight team brought in to investigate ex- tensive civil rights violations by members of this department--and I didn't want the police to be blindsided by our findings. Many in the community were calling for an end to racial profiling. They wanted fair treatment. They were demanding justice. Many in the police de- partment felt they were delivering that justice every day--sometimes at great sacrifice. I wanted to help the officers to understand the in- sidious ways in which implicit bias could act on human decision mak- ing, despite the officers' noble intentions and deliberate efforts.   Reporters were pressuring me to discuss our findings before the report was released, but I couldn't; there was too much at stake. I first wanted the department to be prepared and to be willing to work with our team as they crafted solutions to any problems the report would reveal. I was tired--exhausted, really--from working on the report around the clock for months, to the neglect of my teaching, my hus- band, and our three sons. As I marched up the aisle, I could feel a chill in the room. I made it to the stage.  Although not exactly as  modern or as high-tech as the classrooms at Stanford where I normally taught, the auditorium--with its wood-paneled walls and rows of cushioned red metal chairs--seemed familiar enough. I looked out at the faces in the crowd, searching for a connection. I found every face expression- less, their eyes distant. Each officer wore a crisp, clean uniform over a bulletproof vest. At the waist was a duty belt holding the essential tools of their trade: handcuffs, Taser, OC pepper spray, and Glock 17 9 mm firearm. The officers looked ready for duty, but no one seemed ready to engage with me. For the first time in my career, I was facing a hostile crowd. There was no booing or yelling. There were no verbal complaints of any kind--just a steely silence that was more eloquent than any words. I tried to make a few jokes. Nothing landed. I led them through an interactive "shoot-don't shoot" simulation, which was always a crowd- pleaser. The exercise fell flat. I showed a few movie clips that in other places triggered bursts of laughter. Still nothing. Finally, I caught the eye of LeRonne Armstrong, a captain whom I'd worked with before on trainings designed to improve police- community relations. I knew he understood the importance of delivering this message to law enforcement. I was relieved to see his face, until I realized that his expression was one of concern for me. He was looking around the crowd with the same worry I was trying not to let show onstage. I saw him shifting uncomfortably in his seat. How, I wondered, can I possibly deliver this training ten more times to units across the department when I'm not really sure whether I can make it through this first session? Eventually, I stopped with the lessons, and the data graphs, and the images, and the jokes, and the movie clips. I decided to veer off my usual script and share a personal story. I explained that some years ago my son Everett and I were on a plane. He was five years old, wide-eyed, and trying to take it all in. He looked around and saw a black passenger. He said, "Hey, that guy looks like Daddy." I looked at the man, and truth be told, he did not look anything like Daddy--not in any way. I looked around for any- one else Everett might be referring to. But there was only one black man on the plane. I couldn't  help but be struck  by the irony: the race researcher having to explain to her own black child that not all black people look alike. But then I paused and thought about the fact that kids see the world differently from adults. Maybe Everett was seeing something that I missed. I decided to take another look. I checked the guy's height. No resemblance there. He was several inches shorter than my husband. I studied his face. There was nothing in his features  that looked familiar. I looked at his skin  color. No similarity there either. Then I took a look at his hair. This man had dreadlocks flowing down his back. Everett's father is bald. I gathered my thoughts and turned to my son, prepared to lecture him in the way that I might inform an unobservant student in my class. But before I could begin, he looked up at me and said, "I hope that man doesn't rob the plane."   Maybe I didn't get that right. "What did you say?" I asked him, wishing I had not heard what I heard. And he said it again, as inno- cently and as sweetly  as you can imagine from  a bright-eyed boy trying to understand the world: "I hope he doesn't rob the plane." I was on the brink of being upset. "Why would you say that?" I asked as gently as I could. "You know Daddy wouldn't rob a plane." "Yes," he said. "I know." "Well, why did you say that?" This time my voice dropped an octave and turned sharp. Everett looked up at me with a really sad face and said very sol- emnly, "I don't know why I said that. I don't know why I was think- ing that." Just telling that story reminded me of how much that moment hurt. I took a deep breath, and when I looked back out at the crowd in the auditorium, I saw that the expressions had changed. Their eyes had softened. They were no longer uniformed police officers, and I was no longer a university researcher. We were parents, unable to pro- tect our children from a world that is often bewildering and frighten- ing, a world that influences them so profoundly, so insidiously, and so unconsciously that they--and we--don't know why we think the way we do. With a heavy heart, I continued with my point: "We are living with such severe racial stratification that even a five-year-old can tell us what's supposed to happen next. Even with no malice--even with no hatred--the black-crime association made its way into the mind of my five-year-old son, into all of our children, into all of us." I finished the training and invited the audience to come up to ask questions or share their stories. I had been warned that no one would, but one officer did stay behind in the emptying auditorium. As he approached the stage, I stepped down to meet him. "Your story about your son on the plane reminded me of an experience I had on the street. It's something I haven't thought about in a long time," the of- ficer told me. "I was out one day, working undercover," the officer said, "and I saw a guy, at a distance, who didn't look right. This guy looked similar to me--you know, black, same build, same height. But this guy had a scruffy beard, unkempt hair, ripped clothes, and he looked like he was up to no good. The guy began approaching me, and as he was getting closer, I had a feeling that he had a gun on him. Some- thing's off with this guy , I thought. This dude ain't right. "So the guy is coming down a hill, near the front of a nice office building--one of those big office towers with glass walls. And as the guy is approaching, I couldn't shake the feeling that he was armed and dangerous. "As I got closer to the building, I lost him for a second and I began to feel panicked. Suddenly I see the guy again, but this time he is inside the office building. I could see the guy clearly through the glass wall. He was walking inside the building--in the same direction and at the same pace as I was walking. "Something was wrong. When I quickened my pace, I could see him quicken his pace. And finally, I decided to stop abruptly, turn, and confront the guy. "He stops too, and I look at him face-to-face," the officer said to me. "And when I look in his eyes, a shock went through me. I real- ized that I was staring at myself. I was the person I feared. I was star- ing at my own reflection through the mirrored wall. That entire time, I was tailing myself; I was profiling myself." The stories kept coming. At every single session , someone came up and told me a story--stories that enriched my understanding not only of police-community relations but also of our human predicament.   This book is an examination of implicit bias--what it is, where it comes from, how it affects us, and how we can address it. Implicit bias is not a new way of calling someone a racist. In fact, you don't have to be a racist at all to be influenced by it. Implicit bias is a kind of distorting lens that's a product of both the architecture of our brain and the disparities in our society. We all have ideas about race, even the most open-minded among us. Those ideas have the power to bias our perception, our attention, our memory, and our actions--all despite our conscious awareness or deliberate intentions. Our ideas about race are shaped by the stereo- types to which we are exposed on a daily basis. And one of the strongest stereotypes in American society associates blacks with criminality. This stereotypic association is so powerful that the mere presence of a black face, even one that appears so fleetingly we are unaware of it, can cause us to see weapons more quickly--or to imagine weapons that are not there. The mere thought of violent crime can lead us to shift our eyes away from a white face and toward a black face. And although looking black is not a crime, jurors are more likely to deliver a death sentence to black felons who have stereotypically black facial features than to those who do not, at least when their victims are white. Bias can lead to racial disparities in everything from preschool suspensions  to corporate leadership.  And the disparities  themselves then bolster our biases. For example, knowing that a disproportionate amount of violent crime is committed by young black men can bias judgments about black people more generally. That affects how blacks are seen in all manner of situations--whether sitting in a classroom or a coffee shop, whether leading a Fortune 500 company or fighting a California wildfire. The stereotypes shadow them. In this book, I'll show you the many surprising places and ways that racial bias affects all sorts of decisions we make during the normal course of our lives--the homes we buy, the people we hire, the way we treat our neighbors. Bias is not limited to one domain of life. It is not limited to one profession, one race, or one country. It is also not limited to one stereotypic association. This book grew from my re- search on the black-crime association, yet it is not the only association that matters and blacks are not the only group affected. Probing the role of implicit bias in the criminal justice arena can teach us broader lessons about who we are, where we've been, and what we can be- come, regardless of our social group or the groups toward which we may be biased. People can hold biases based on all sorts of characteristics--skin color, age, weight, ethnic origin, accent, disability, height, gender. I talk a lot about race, specifically about blacks and whites,  because those two groups have been studied the most by researchers investi- gating bias. And because the racial dynamics between blacks and whites are dramatic, consequential,  and enduring. In the United  States, those tensions over centuries have even set the tone for how other social groups are regarded. Confronting implicit bias requires us to look in the mirror. To understand the influence of implicit racial bias requires us to stare into our own eyes--much as the undercover police officer who found that he had been tailing himself had done--to face how readily stereo- types and unconscious associations can shape our reality. By acknowl- edging the distorting lens of fear and bias, we move one step closer to clearly seeing each other. And we move one step closer to clearly seeing the social harms--the devastation--that bias can leave in its wake. Neither our evolutionary path nor our present culture dooms us to be held hostage by bias. Change requires a kind of open-minded attention that is well within our reach. There are successful approaches we can learn from and new ways of thinking that we can build upon, whether we are trying to change ourselves or the settings where we live, work, and learn. This book is a representation of the journey I have taken--the unexpected findings I have uncovered, the stories I have heard, the struggles I have encountered, and the triumphs I have been buttressed by. I invite you to join me. Excerpted from Biased: Uncovering the Hidden Prejudice That Shapes What We See, Think, and Do by Jennifer L. Eberhardt All rights reserved by the original copyright owners. Excerpts are provided for display purposes only and may not be reproduced, reprinted or distributed without the written permission of the publisher.