Palaces for the people How social infrastructure can help fight inequality, polarization, and the decline of civic life

Eric Klinenberg

Book - 2018

"An eminent sociologist--and coauthor, with Aziz Ansari, of the #1 New York Times bestseller Modern Romance--makes the provocative case that the future of democratic societies rests not only on shared values but also on shared "social infrastructure": the libraries, childcare centers, bookstores, coffee shops, pools, and parks that promote crucial, sometimes life-saving connections between people who might otherwise fail to find common cause"--

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Published
New York : Crown 2018.
Language
English
Main Author
Eric Klinenberg (author)
Edition
First Edition
Physical Description
277 pages : illustrations ; 25 cm
ISBN
9781524761165
9781524761172
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Review by Choice Review

Klinenberg (sociology, NYU) argues that "social infrastructure"--the physical arrangement of human spaces to promote social connection--is an underappreciated but vital aspect of social health. Social infrastructure is exemplified by public libraries, one of the places Klinenberg calls "palaces of the people." Klinenberg also considers other physical spaces and institutions, including schools, parks, public pools, even police stations redesigned as community centers. A chapter on climate change seems more concerned with physical than social structures. The author has an interesting critique of how the famous "broken windows" theory of policing was implemented: it works better if you actually fix the windows, rather than just beef up the policing of petty crimes. Klinenberg builds on his findings in Heat Wave: A Social Autopsy of Disaster in Chicago (CH, Mar'03, 40-4319), in which he showed that those with no social space to go to were more likely to die, and in Going Solo: The Extraordinary Rise and Surprising Appeal of Living Alone (CH, Aug'12, 49-7198). Though Klinenberg offers more insightful observations than specific empirical accounts of how, exactly, to make good social infrastructure, the book adds a useful concept to the discussion of effective place making. Summing Up: Recommended. Lower- and upper-division undergraduates; graduate students; professionals; general readers. --Beau Weston, Centre College

Copyright American Library Association, used with permission.
Review by New York Times Review

THIS TIME OF YEAR,my wooden desktop in the Office of the Mayor looks very similar to my computer desktop: covered in spreadsheets. It's budget season in South Bend, Ind. - the annual reckoning. Priorities jostle against one another, and sometimes it feels as if we must choose between investing in places (fire stations, streetscapes) and investing in people (after- school programs, job training). We do some of both, of course, but the process forces us to balance two concepts of what a city is: a place and a population. In "Palaces for the People," Eric Klinenberg offers a new perspective on what people and places have to do with each other, by looking at the social side of our physical spaces. He is not the first to use the term "social infrastructure," but he gives it a new and useful definition as "the physical conditions that determine whether social capital develops," whether, that is, human connection and relationships are fostered. Then he presents examples intended to prove that social infrastructure represents the key to safety and prosperity in 21stcentury urban America. Klinenberg is an N.Y.U. sociologist best known recently as Aziz Ansari's co-author for "Modern Romance," in which he helped the comedian apply social science tools to better understand dating. Here, he begins with questions he first addressed in an earlier book on a lethal heat wave that struck Chicago in 1995. He asked how two adjacent poor neighborhoods on the South Side, demographically similar and presumably equally vulnerable, could fare so differently in the disaster. Why did elderly victims in the Englewood neighborhood lose their lives at 10 times the rate of those in Auburn Gresham? The explanation had to do with social capital, the amount of interpersonal contact that exists in a community. In the neighborhood with fewer fatalities, people checked on one another and knew where to go for help; in the other, social isolation was the norm, with residents more often leftto fend for themselves, even to perish in sweltering housing units. Crucially, these were not cultural or economic differences, but rather had to do with things like the density of shops and the vacancy rate along streets, which either helped or hurt people get to know one another in their communities. The new book's exploration of this reality begins in the basement of a library in a low-income Brooklyn neighborhood, where an Xbox-based bowling competition pits local seniors against rival teams from a dozen library branches across the borough. The example of a virtual bowling league has particular poetic resonance two decades after Robert Putnam, the Harvard political scientist, raised fears of societal collapse in his study "Bowling Alone." Where Putnam charted the decline of American communal participation through shrinking bowling league membership, Klinenberg's basement of virtual bowlers illustrates how technology might actually enhance our social fabric - provided there are supportive spaces. Given what we have learned about the health impacts of social isolation among the elderly, lives may depend on creating more such opportunities. Klinenberg finds in libraries "the textbook example of social infrastructure in action," a shared space where everyone from schoolchildren doing homework to the video-gaming elderly can get to know one another better. For him, the presence of destitute or mentally ill visitors is a feature, not a bug, of libraries, because it requires people to confront radical differences in a shared space. Klinenberg extends the idea of social infrastructure to grade schools, college campuses, public housing, private apartment buildings, coffee shops, sidewalks, pocket parks, churches, murals, even flood-management projects in Singapore and public pools in Iceland. Pretty much any space that can affect the social fabric is within the author's scope. Here, social infrastructure is not a subset of what we call "infrastructure" but something broader, which makes his project ambitious but also perhaps too vague: After all, if it could include virtually all public and many private or even virtual spaces, is the category even useful? It is, especially when Klinenberg discusses social infrastructure in terms of quality, not just quantity. While some of his examples simply reinforce the inarguable fact that we need more of these resources (more libraries! more gyms! more gardens!), his most illuminating cases gauge what happens in spaces whose designs are either socially helpful or harmful. Social infrastructure becomes less a thing to maximize than a lens that communities and policymakers should apply to every routine decision about physical investment: Do the features of this proposed school, park or sewer system tend to help human beings to form connections? In case after case, we learn how sociallyminded design matters. A vaunted housing project built in 1950s St. Louis quickly became a nightmare of crime and vandalism; a smaller, adjacent complex remained relatively free of trouble because its design promoted "informal surveillance" and care of common spaces by neighbors. The reconfiguration of large urban schools into smaller, more manageable ones now shows promise in boosting graduation rates in New York - partly because this allows parents, students and teachers to form a community in which problems are addressed informally before they can disrupt learning. Meanwhile, much of our built environment contains negative or "exclusive social infrastructure," including gated communities in the United States and South Africa, and college fraternities, which Klinenberg condemns categorically based on their association with substance abuse and sexual assault. (The construction of a massive wall, unsurprisingly, is an example of public investment that is not conducive to social infrastructure.) Much of the book's most interesting content has to do with climate security. From the informal network of Houston churches that kicked into gear after Hurricane Harvey, to the unlikely rise of the Rockaway Beach Surf Club in New York as a vital hub of recovery after Hurricane Sandy, we see how the right kind of social infrastructure can aid struggling communities and even save lives by connecting people during and after disasters. As Klinenberg observes, "when hard infrastructure fails . . . it's the softer, social infrastructure that determines our fate." Klinenberg's approach even lets him apply appealing nuance to precincts of our social life that have become objects of simplistic head-shaking and finger-wagging. When it comes to social media, for example, he takes a look at online communities, especially for young people, and pointedly suggests that teenagers turn to the digital realm largely because they have little alternative. Modern parenting norms make it less likely they will be allowed to physically move around their neighborhoods and communities. When unable to use traditional spaces like streets or parks, young people have no choice but to rely on the internet as their primary social infrastructure. It's a point that should invite introspection among parents who require their children to remain within sight, then scold them for spending too much time looking at screens. "Palaces for the People" reads more like a succession of case studies than a comprehensive account of what social infrastructure is, so those looking for a theoretical framework may be disappointed. But anyone interested in cities will find this book an engaging survey that trains you to view any shared physical system as, among other things, a kind of social network. After finishing it, I started asking how ordinary features of my city, from streetlights to flowerpots, might affect the greater wellbeing of residents. Physically robust infrastructure is not enough if it fails to foster a healthy community; ultimately, all infrastructure is social. PETE BUTTIGIEG is the mayor of South Bend, Ind. His first book, "Shortest Way Home: One Mayor's Challenge and a Model for America's Future," will be published in January.

Copyright (c) The New York Times Company [August 23, 2019]
Review by Booklist Review

*Starred Review* Renowned sociologist Klinenberg (Going Solo, 2011) discerns a critical and overlooked source of many of America's ills, from inequality to political polarization and social fragmentation: the deterioration of the nation's social infrastructure. From parks and playgrounds to churches and cafés, social infrastructure encompasses the physical places and organizations that shape the way people interact. Social infrastructure can be mundane: a sidewalk in front of a day care, for example, gives waiting parents a place to exchange child-rearing advice. Yet collectively, such features can improve individuals' lives and strengthen community in profound ways. At a public library in Manhattan, visitors learn to associate with all kinds of people, including rowdy children or homeless patrons. In Houston, a multiracial group of churchgoers uses Facebook to distribute supplies in the aftermath of Hurricane Harvey. In six nuanced, thematic chapters, blending academic research, interviews, and personal narrative, Klinenberg presents social infrastructure as the neglected building block of a healthy civil society. If America appears fractured at the national level, the author suggests, it can be mended at the local one. This is an engrossing, timely, hopeful read, nothing less than a new lens through which to view the world and its current conflicts.--Sam Kling Copyright 2018 Booklist

From Booklist, Copyright (c) American Library Association. Used with permission.
Review by Publisher's Weekly Review

Sociologist Klinenberg (coauthor of Modern Romance) presents an illuminating examination of "social infrastructure," the physical spaces and organizations that shape the way people interact. Touring libraries, playgrounds, churches, barbershops, cafés, athletic fields, and community gardens, Klinenberg identifies the ways such spaces help prevent crime, reduce addiction rates, contribute to economic growth, and even ameliorate problems caused by climate change. He visits geothermal pools in Iceland, open to the public day and night, which provide a place for people to commingle despite the frigid weather; the Metropolitan Oval soccer complex in Queens, N.Y., where for the past 90 years local youth of all backgrounds have played sports; and the floating schools and libraries located on the riverbanks around Bangladesh that host courses on literacy, sustainable agriculture, and disaster survival, while also providing shelter to citizens unable to afford conventional protection from the region's catastrophic floods. Klinenberg's observations are effortlessly discursive and always cogent, whether covering the ways playgrounds instill youth with civic values or a Chicago architect's plans to transform a police station into a community center. He persuasively illustrates the vital role these spaces play in repairing civic life "in an era characterized by urgent social needs and gridlock stemming from political polarization." (Sept.) © Copyright PWxyz, LLC. All rights reserved.

(c) Copyright PWxyz, LLC. All rights reserved
Review by Library Journal Review

Sociologist Klinenberg (director, Inst. for Public Knowledge, New York Univ.; Going Solo; Heat Wave) prescribes a stronger social infrastructure (defined as places and organizations that encourage people to come together) as an antidote to the current troubling divisions within our country. His examples include public libraries (the title is a nod to Andrew Carnegie), churches, parks, public pools, and sports teams. Some commercial establishments, such as coffee shops, barbershops, and bookstores, also encourage social mingling. Using examples from around the world, the author highlights how hard infrastructure, such as seawalls or bridges, can be designed to include community spaces with walking/biking trails or parks. He also looks at how some cities have used social infrastructure to create solutions to problems such as drug addiction, urban food deserts, or geriatric isolation. Considering impacts of climate change, he notes that community organizations that provide immediate, on-the-ground response to weather crises require a healthy social infrastructure. He dismisses tech apologists who believe the Internet can substitute for face-to-face interaction. VERDICT The author's paean to public libraries will strongly appeal to those who support them as well as interested sociologists and urbanists.-Caren Nichter, Univ. of Tennessee at Martin © Copyright 2018. Library Journals LLC, a wholly owned subsidiary of Media Source, Inc. No redistribution permitted.

(c) Copyright Library Journals LLC, a wholly owned subsidiary of Media Source, Inc. No redistribution permitted.
Review by Kirkus Book Review

Want to cut down on crime? Install a community garden, increase public library funding, and start talking to your neighbors.It's been a long time since the American engineering community gave a higher grade than a D to the country's infrastructure. By Klinenberg's (Sociology/New York Univ.; Going Solo: The Extraordinary Rise and Surprising Appeal of Living Alone, 2012, etc.) account, there are other benefits to infrastructure besides simply getting us where we want to go safely and allowing our toilets to flush. What he calls "social infrastructure," for instance, provides us with physical spaces where we can gather to solve problems and simply be together: Churches, libraries, public swimming pools, and the like are important centers of community-building and social cohesion. It is telling that public enterprises such as libraries and low-income child care are in a state of collapse thanks to our apparent dislike for paying taxes to support them; private enterprises that provide "third spaces," neither home nor work but somewhere in between, are doing better and "help produce the material foundations for social life." As the author notes, scholars such as Jane Jacobs long ago pointed out the importance of private enterprises such as grocery stores, barbershops, and cafes in the lives of neighborhoods and communities; where areas lack such amenities, crime and alienation run high. Yet the public goods do the heavy lifting. Those child care centers foster "bonds of friendship and mutual support" among parents, again building community in ways that only they can do. Klinenberg examines new manifestations of social infrastructure enterprisese.g., farmers markets and organizations such as Growing Home, a clearinghouse for community gardens that "foster interactions within and across generations, resulting in less social isolation as well as more cohesion, civic participation, and neighborhood attachment."Fine reading for community activists seeking to expand the social infrastructure of their own home places. Copyright Kirkus Reviews, used with permission.

Copyright (c) Kirkus Reviews, used with permission.

Chapter One A Place to Gather   It's a balmy Thursday morning in the New Lots neighborhood of East New York, Brooklyn, 70 degrees and sunny on the last day of March. The sidewalks have awakened. Small groups of middle-aged men banter outside bodegas and on stoops of the small, semidetached brick houses that are common in the area. Mothers and grandmothers push strollers and watch over preschool children who hop and skip and revel in the unseasonable warmth. It seems early for recess, but the schoolyards are buzzing. Traffic is light on the narrow residential streets, but occasionally someone honks, a motorcycle engine fires, a truck roars past. Street life in East New York is busy, but not always congenial. The district is one of the poorest in New York City, with about half the residents living below the poverty line. It's also one of the most segregated. Nearly 95 percent of residents are black or Latino, and only 1 percent are white. Social scientists sometimes call East New York socially isolated, because its peripheral location and limited public transit options restrict access to opportunities in other parts of the city, while people who don't live there have little reason to visit and strong incentives to stay away. The area is among the most violent neighborhoods in New York City, with especially high levels of homicide, felony assault, and sexual assault. Conditions like these are bad for everyone, but research shows that they're particularly treacherous for older, sick, and frail people, who are prone to hunkering down in their apartments and growing dangerously isolated when they live in inhospitable physical environments. That's not only what I observed in the Chicago heat wave; it's what social scientists who conduct large-scale studies of isolation have found as well. Living in a place like East New York requires developing coping strategies, and for many residents, the more vulnerable older and younger ones in particular, the key is to find safe havens. As on every other Thursday morning this spring, today nine middle-aged and elderly residents who might otherwise stay home alone will gather in the basement of the neighborhood's most heavily used public amenity, the New Lots branch library. At first glance, it's an uninviting facility. The run-down, two-story brown brick building is set back behind a wide sidewalk and bus stop, with a beige stone facade at the entry, a broken chain-link fence on one side and a small asphalt parking lot on the other. In recent years the city designated the library site "African Burial Ground Square," because it sits atop a cemetery used to inter slaves and soldiers during the Revolutionary War. The library is small, and it's already crowded despite the early hour and the good weather. There are two banks of computer terminals with Internet access on the first floor, and patrons, sometimes more than one, at every machine. There's a small display case holding photographs and short biographies of Nobel Prize winners; tall wooden bookshelves with new releases, atlases, and encyclopedias; an information desk with flyers promoting library events for toddlers, young readers, teens, parents, English-language students, and older patrons. One librarian asks if I need anything. Another stacks books. I ask to see the second floor, and Edwin, a sweet and soft-spoken information supervisor, takes me upstairs. Here there are three separate universes. A designated children's space, which is worn but, Edwin says, about to get renovated; a set of tables for English-language courses, which are always oversubscribed; and, in the back, a classroom that serves as the library's Learning Center, a place where anyone over age seventeen who's reading below GED level can get special instruction, individually and in groups. Everyone is welcome at the library, regardless of whether they're a citizen, a permanent resident, or even a convicted felon. And all of it, Edwin reminds me, is free. I tell Edwin that I'm here for the event in the basement community room, and it turns out he's heading there too. We walk downstairs together and he points out the building's deterioration. The shelves, ceilings, stairwells, and wall panels are wearing out. Wires are exposed. There are rusted toilets and sinks in the bathroom. The doors don't close properly. In the community room there's an aging, cream-colored linoleum floor, glaring fluorescent lights, wood paneling, and a small stage strewn with plastic stacking chairs. I think about the burial ground that was here and I realize we can't be far from the bones. The community room serves many purposes: theater, classroom, art studio, civic hall. But this morning two staff members, Terry and Christine, will transform it into something unusual: a virtual bowling alley. They've arrived early to set up a flat screen television, link an Xbox to the Internet, clear out a play space, and assemble two rows of portable chairs. It's opening day of the Library Lanes Bowling League, a new program that encourages older patrons in twelve libraries in Brooklyn to join local teams and compete against neighboring branches. Nine people at New Lots signed up to play, and after weeks of practice, they're about to take on Brownsville and Cypress Hills. Branch libraries offer something for everyone, but the extra services and programming that they provide for older people are particularly important. As of 2016, more than twelve million Americans aged sixty-five and above live by themselves, and the ranks of those who are aging alone is growing steadily in much of the world. Although most people in this situation are socially active, the risk of isolation is formidable. A fall, an illness, or the inevitable advance toward frailty can render them homebound. If older friends and neighbors move away or die, their social networks can quickly unravel. If they get depressed, their interest in being out in the world can diminish. Street crime discourages everyone from going outdoors and socializing in public, but it's particularly intimidating for the old. In neighborhoods where crime is high or the social infrastructure is depleted, old people are more likely to stay home, alone, simply because they lack compelling places to go. New Lots has its library, though, and today the doors open at 10 a.m. Soon after, ten patrons, eight women and two men (one who's here to watch) ranging in age from fifty to nearly ninety, walk downstairs. Among them are Miss Jonny, who sports wraparound sunglasses, tall red boots, a black-and-red polka-dot scarf, and a gray newsboy cap. There's Suhir, in a seafoam sweat suit and a white hijab. Santon, a soft-spoken man from Guyana, dons a blue baseball cap and loose-fitting green trousers. Una, Bern, Salima, Miba, Daisy, and Jesse round out the crew. They greet one another warmly. Some women hug. A few clasp hands. Daisy gives Una a gentle high five that turns into a longer touch and a smile. Terry, an ebullient library information specialist with big eyes and a dazzlingly bright smile, hands each player a royal blue bowling shirt with a white public library logo on the front pocket and team new lots in yellow on the sleeve. Terry is the team's coach and cheerleader, and she's trying to pump them up for the match. Christine, a veteran librarian who wears rectangular glasses and holds a pencil and a phone in her shirt pocket, is the lead organizer, having recruited participants from the computer classes and book clubs she leads at the library. Terry and Christine walk around the room and help the participants get into their uniforms, buttoning and pulling them down so they won't snag when it's time to bowl. When everyone is outfitted the players take their seats, making small talk and tapping their toes in anticipation. Christine tries to link the Xbox to the machine in the basement at the Brownsville Library, where their opponents, invisible to us but no doubt similarly composed, have put on their own uniforms and settled in for the match. It worked perfectly in practice, but this time there's something wrong with the connection. Christine calls Brownsville. Yes, they're there, just working on the Wi‑Fi. In a few minutes, the machines are in sync and the game is on. Brownsville goes first and the team watches the ball roll up the side of the alley, taking out a few pins but leaving most upright. There's some rumbling and a bit of nervous laughter coming from the seats. It grows louder when the next roll leaves the opponents' frame open. Everyone knows they can win. Jesse bowls first for New Lots, and she's not fooling around. "Come on, Jesse!" Terry shouts. Her teammates clap enthusiastically. "Let's do this now!" Terry calls out again. Jesse approaches the screen and stops at the designated spot about fifteen feet in front of it. She seizes the hand control, raises her right arm to the sky until the Xbox registers her presence, and reaches out 90 degrees to take the ball. On screen, the ball rises to show that she's ready. Jesse reaches back and sweeps her arm forward, as if she were rolling a ball up the alley. It's a powerful roll, and at first it seems on target but it winds up too true to center and three pins stay standing. Some in the group applaud. Some sigh in exasperation. Jesse looks incredulous. "You got this!" Terry yells. "You good." Jesse approaches the ball again, looking determined. She lifts, rolls, nails the spare. The room erupts. The New Lots bowlers kill it, extending their lead frame after frame. They are old, and some are enfeebled, probably too weak to hold an actual ball. Only one player had ever participated in an old-fashioned bowling league, the kind that requires gutters, slick shoes, and a shiny wood floor. Robert Putnam famously lamented the demise of these leagues during the late twentieth century. Their disappearance, he argued, signaled a worrisome decline in social bonds. But here a group of people who could easily be at home, cut off from friends and neighbors, is involved in something greater than deep play. They're participating, fully and viscerally, in collective life. The mood is electric. Turn by turn, the players stand, boosted by their teammates' applause and the librarians' exhortations, salute the screen, and demolish their digital targets. "I'm feelin' for Brownsville right now," Terry exclaims. "But not too much!" The team's confidence is soaring when the second match gets going, but it doesn't take long to see that Cypress Hills is for real. The opponents go first and it's a strike. Jesse responds with a strike of her own. Then Cypress Hills rolls another, and Terry makes fish lips, popping her eyes in disbelief. Suhir makes a spare. New Lots is in it. But then Cypress gets a turkey, three strikes in a row, and Terry is incredulous. "There's some funny business going on here!" she insists. "That's Walter," the Cypress Hills librarian. "I know that's Walter. I'ma call him out." She doesn't, though, and the Cypress Hills team gradually pulls away despite strong performances from most of the New Lots players. The game goes by quickly and the mood, naturally, is more subdued. When it ends there's a short pause and a little confusion about what will happen. "We should ask them for a rematch," Christine says. "I think we can beat 'em." Christine jumps on the phone, a landline attached to the wall, and reaches Walter at the other library. She ribs him a little: "That wasn't you bowling, was it?" She smiles for a beat. "Uh-huh. Right. Well, hey, it's still early, you guys want to do another?" They did, and in a few moments they're back at it again. This time New Lots takes nothing for granted. Terry, who's decided that if Walter is playing then she is also, jumps in and knocks down everything. Santon hits a spare. "It's all you, Miss Jonny!" Terry shouts, and Miss Jonny makes her first strike of the morning. Bern follows with another perfect roll, then Una does the same, and now New Lots has its own turkey and a sizable lead. Terry is ecstatic. She screams out encouragement and struts around the room in circles with each strike or spare. When Jesse seals the victory with a strike in the tenth frame, the entire group is joyous, like Yankee Stadium after a play-off win. There are team photos, high fives, and hugs all around. Christine tells the players that there will be trophies for the top teams and a giant trophy for the library that wins everything. Miba, feeling bold and full of swagger, suggests that they just engrave New Lots on it now and bring the trophy over. Her teammates are in hysterics, their smiles as deep as a lifetime. The celebration lasts just a few minutes. It's noon, the players are hungry, and there are hours of sunshine ahead. I congratulate the team and wish them good luck on the season. "Thanks," Terry says. "We gonna be fine." I leave feeling uplifted by the cheering, the camaraderie, the joy of watching people who hardly know one another turn their neighborhood into a community. It was a rare moment of what the great French sociologist Emile Durkheim called "collective effervescence," and I hadn't expected it, not at the library. Today, we may have every reason to feel atomized and alienated, distrustful and afraid--and the demographics are as challenging as the politics. There are more people living alone than at any point in history, including more than a quarter of Americans over the age of sixty-five, who are at particular risk of becoming isolated. That's worrisome, because, as a large body of scientific research now shows, social isolation and loneliness can be as dangerous as more publicized health hazards, including obesity and smoking. But some places have the power to bring us together, and the kind of social bonding I witnessed that morning in Brooklyn happens in thousands of libraries throughout the year. Libraries are not the kinds of institutions that most social scientists, policy makers, and community leaders usually bring up when they discuss social capital and how to build it. Since Tocqueville, most leading thinkers about social and civic life have extolled the value of voluntary associations like bowling leagues and gardening clubs without looking closely at the physical and material conditions that make people more or less likely to associate. But social infrastructure provides the setting and context for social participation, and the library is among the most critical forms of social infrastructure that we have. It's also one of the most undervalued. In recent years, modest declines in the circulation of bound books in some parts of the country have led some critics to argue that the library is no longer serving its historic function as a place for public education and social uplift. Elected officials with other spending priorities argue that twenty-first-century libraries no longer need the resources they once commanded, because on the Internet most content is free. Architects and designers eager to erect new temples of knowledge say that libraries should be repurposed for a world where books are digitized and so much public culture is online. Excerpted from Palaces for the People: How Social Infrastructure Can Help Fight Inequality, Polarization, and the Decline of Civic Life by Eric Klinenberg All rights reserved by the original copyright owners. Excerpts are provided for display purposes only and may not be reproduced, reprinted or distributed without the written permission of the publisher.