Dying every day Seneca at the court of Nero

James S. Romm

Book - 2014

Explores the moral struggles, political intrigues and violent vendettas that enmeshed the ancient Roman writer and philosopher in the brutal daily lives of the imperial family and the regime of his student, Nero.

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Subjects
Published
New York : Alred A. Knopf 2014.
Language
English
Main Author
James S. Romm (-)
Edition
First edition
Physical Description
xix, 290 pages : illustrations, map ; 25 cm
Bibliography
Includes bibliographical references (pages 261-271) and index.
ISBN
9780307596871
  • Introduction: The Two Senecas
  • Chapter 1. Suicide (I)
  • Chapter 2. Regicide
  • Chapter 3. Fratricide
  • Chapter 4. Matricide
  • Chapter 5. Maritocide
  • Chapter 6. Holocaust
  • Chapter 7. Suicide (II)
  • Epilogue: Euthanasia
  • Acknowledgments
  • Notes
  • Bibliography
  • Index
Review by Choice Review

Romm (Bard College) centers his study on the relationship between Seneca the Younger and Nero, emperor of Rome. Beginning with Seneca's role as tutor to Nero, Romm illuminates the influence and control Seneca had on the impressionable youth. However, this influence waned when Nero became emperor and propelled Rome into chaos, his antics overshadowing Seneca's brilliance as a writer and political philosopher. This, according to the author, has created a misrepresentation of who Seneca truly was. He has traditionally been labeled either a philosophical moralist or a gluttonous political schemer. However, until Romm, no historian saw Seneca as both. Romm takes a groundbreaking approach by combining the two versions of Seneca and, in doing so, provides a better understanding of one of Rome's most influential leaders. This is ultimately a study of one man's struggle to comprehend the workings of the world amid the chaotic actions of a despotic emperor, including the murder of several members of the royal family, the great fire, and a "savage purge that destroyed the supreme minds of the Senate's golden age." Summing Up: Highly recommended. All levels/libraries. M. A. Byron Young Harris College

Copyright American Library Association, used with permission.
Review by New York Times Review

THE NAME SENECA brings a particular image to mind: a gaunt, half-naked old man, glaring wildly, his veins open, his lifeblood seeping into the small bath beneath him after he was forced to commit suicide. Painted by Rubens, memorialized by Dante in his first circle of hell, gilded into medieval manuscripts alongside Plato and Aristotle, Seneca has come to represent the perils of proximity to absolute power. The central question of James Romm's "Dying Every Day" is this: When we confront this tragic Roman wordsmith, tutor to the emperor Nero (and, some argue, the power behind that terrible throne), who stares back at us? Is it a tyrannodidaskalos, a tyrant-teacher? Is he the ultimate exemplar of Stoicism, a would-be philosopher king? Or is Seneca simply an accretion of history, a phantom constructed to fit our ravening for heroes, for antiheroes and for the sensational in the stories of antiquity? Teasing out these conundrums, Romm, the James H. Ottaway Jr. professor of classics at Bard College, gives us a fresh and empathetic exploration of a man who, tantalizingly, seems destined to stay just out of reach. Born circa 4 B.C., Seneca was witness to what the Chinese call "interesting times"; the emperors Caligula and Claudius, the Apostle Paul, the British freedom fighters Caratacus and Boudicca were all his contemporaries. And yet, infuriatingly, although Seneca writes glancingly about many of the characters of his day, much hard detail of the history of Nero's reign, including the apocalyptic fire of A.D. 64 that burned an estimated two-thirds of Rome to the ground, stays firmly off limits. Romm gives us a robust framework for his quest about the "truth" of Seneca by cataloging what is certain. After moving to Rome from Corduba (modern-day Córdoba) in southern Spain, the teenage Seneca flirted with Pythagorean vegetarianism, engaged in Socratic dialogues and embraced Stoic ideals. We know that as an eques (a knight), Seneca achieved what his father had not, elevation to the rank of senator, and eventually consul. On the eve of Seneca's exile to Corsica in A.D. 41 - on a trumped-up charge of adultery with Caligula's sister - his only child, an infant boy, died. He appears to have "anger-managed" by sitting with his wife at the end of each day analyzing what he had done well and badly, strategizing for the time ahead. Like his hero Socrates, Seneca believed that without praxis, ideas were sterile: that the practical application of great philosophy can lead to truly great lives. Word of his wit spread, and Seneca was recalled to Rome from exile by Nero's mother, Agrippina. His was a beguiling brilliance. He could formulate strings of seductive words that convinced without conviction - a perfect candidate to ripen the young boy Nero in readiness for global omnipotence. Education was critical. Nero's stepbrother, Britannicus, was an inheritance inconvenience. In A.D. 55, Britannicus was poisoned (some suppose, with Seneca's collusion). Now Agrippina, Nero and his tutor-counselor were in charge of the Roman world. All was in play. The exquisite archaeological remains of the Campanian towns Herculaneum and Pompeii show that even beyond Rome, this was an aspirational, feel-good epoch. (Seneca himself has in fact turned up in the ruins there - his words painted on a wall, his name graffitied as if he were some modern-day celebrity.) As Romm points out, evidence from the ruins tallies with one of Seneca's preoccupations. A portentous earthquake of A.D. 62, prefiguring the enormous eruption of Vesuvius, is recorded on a frieze found in Pompeii. Seneca drew on the ominous earth movements to illuminate a favorite theme of his: We are "dying every day." Romm avoids a common trap; he does not judge Seneca with hindsight, but inhabits his life as it plays out. There are subtle and sympathetic observations. A self-confessed philhellene, Romm is alive to the fact that the Romans lived with the Greeks, whispering in their ears, sometimes breathing down their necks. Roman streets were populated with Greek slaves; their temples with Greek gods; their minds with Greek ideas. In many ways Seneca's life was an incarnation of the tension between Greek idealism and Roman realpolitik. His "Phaedra" and "Medea" were reworked from earlier tragedies by Euripides as therapy, a way of dealing with the uniquely Roman catalog of fratricides, regicides, matricides, incest and holocausts with which he had to tangle. A third-century sculpture discovered in 1813 shows Seneca as a jowly bald man (quite unlike the "false Seneca" bust that gave rise to the stereotype of Seneca as drawn and tortured), and cephalically linked to Socrates. Was Seneca, then, a self-styled Roman Socrates? Socrates claimed the one thing he knew was that he knew nothing, and Seneca opined in one of his apologias that he was not equal to the best, but better than the bad. Yet Stoic and Socratic ideals are quite different. Conveniently for Seneca, who grew fat on the fruits of an ever expanding empire (investing heavily, for example, in the newly conquered province of Britannia), the Stoics classified material wealth as what was called an "indifferent." Barefoot, bath-allergic Socrates would, I'm sure, have taken a dimmer view. Seneca, we must remember, lived through the horrors as well as the glories of antiquity, when bullies and psychopaths held both the living of your life and the manner of your dying in their hands. Whereas Socrates had only once been crucially involved in the political apparatus of fifth-century-B.C. Athens, Seneca was there at Rome's dark heart. So did he detest himself toward the end of his life? Did he feel his mind and morals were mildewed by the miasma of Nero's, and Rome's, mania? He certainly favored a Stoical solution. In his "De Ira" Seneca writes: "You ask what is the path to freedom? Any vein in your body." It is easy to be seduced by the stellar lineup of characters who graze Seneca's life, particularly Nero - that autocratic, crazed, incestuous, debt-ridden dictator - dead at 30, but a man who had ruled a fifth of the world's population for half his short life. From the first sentence it is clear that this book is going to be a pacey, breezy ride. Arguably there could be an iota less narrative brio: The breathless enthusiasm to fit all in can occasionally result in inconsistencies and an overreliance on ancient historical sources as hard fact. But when there is analysis, it brings real clarity. Indeed there are moments of brilliance. The philosophical torment of the later years and the drama of Seneca's tripartite death once Nero turns against him (vein opening, hemlock draft and then asphyxiation in a hot bath) are dealt with masterfully. Romm reminds us that we need to care about Seneca - he is a touchstone for the modern world. Christopher Columbus cherished his works and quoted his dream of "new worlds." Seneca kick-started our tradition of premiers' employing professional speechwriters. Above all, he embodies the central conflict of human life: Can we be good while engaging with the imperfect world around us? That is one of the questions Romm leaves open. "It is the mind that makes us rich," Seneca once wrote to his mother. Is it possible that the answer to the Seneca enigma may yet turn up, in his own wily words, on a long-lost papyrus or inscribed fragment? Alternatively, the secrets of Seneca's stellar, flawed, all too human mind may stay where he took them, in the rich Italian earth and a premature grave. BETTANY HUGHES is the author of "Helen of Troy" and "The Hemlock Cup: Socrates, Athens and the Search for the Good Life."

Copyright (c) The New York Times Company [June 29, 2014]
Review by Booklist Review

Was Roman philosopher Seneca the Younger an exemplar of Stoic virtue who, pulled into politics in the service of Emperor Nero, did his best to modulate the young despot's cruelty? Or was he a shrewd manipulator whose ethical treatises were just a cynical attempt to restore a reputation sullied by his complicity in Nero's cruel and decadent court? Tacitus, who wrote a lot about Seneca, seems to have had trouble making up his mind. Romm suggests that we might bring together these conflicting portraits by understanding Seneca as a serious thinker who suffered from passivity and obsequiousness, and had the misfortune to live at a time when intellectual activity had become particularly dangerous. Seneca's elegant humanistic vision (which would influence, among other things, Roman Catholic church doctrine), therefore, was not fraudulent, but aspirational, and somewhat tragic: ideals articulated by a flawed man who was all too aware of his inability to live up to them. Vividly describing the intensity of political life in the Nero years, and paying particular attention to the Roman fascination with suicide, Romm's narrative is gripping, erudite, and occasionally quite grim.--Driscoll, Brendan Copyright 2014 Booklist

From Booklist, Copyright (c) American Library Association. Used with permission.
Review by Kirkus Book Review

There were many sides to the great Roman philosopher and writer Seneca. Romm (Classics/Bard Coll.; Ghost on the Throne: The Death of Alexander the Great and the War for Crown and Empire, 2011) explores his contrasting, even conflicting, skills in surviving at the dangerous court of Nero. Seneca was a sage who preached a simple, studious life while amassing wealth and power in Nero's court. Romm, who teaches Greek literature and language, combed Seneca's profuse writings in an attempt to identify the true man. Was he a moral philosopher of the Stoic school or a greedy businessman and corrupt power monger? Are his tracts really political treatises, or were they propaganda, expounding his ideals or improving his image? The source material is vast, and the author seems to have explored it all: the Annals of Tacitus, the anonymous play Octavia and Cassius Dio's Roman History, along with writings by Suetonius, Plutarch and many others. Julia Agrippina the Younger recalled Seneca from Corsican exile to act as a tutor to her son, Nero, who she intended would succeed Emperor Claudius. Working with Nero must have been exceedingly unpleasant. He was a petulant, spoiled megalomaniacal brat likely responsible for Claudius' death and undoubtedly responsible for his brother's and mother's deaths and countless more. Seneca certainly failed to instill Stoic values in Nero, and he had little luck controlling him. He was the speechwriter, spin doctor, and image maker and became a wealthy landowner thanks to Nero's gifts. "As he himself implied in one of his several apologias," writes the author, "he was not equal to the best, but better than the bad." The task of determining Seneca's true nature is daunting, but the wide body of information available to Romm enables him to give us tantalizing but ambiguous clues to the man's mind. Like any good philosopher, he only shows us the questions and leaves readers to figure out the answers.]] Copyright Kirkus Reviews, used with permission.

Copyright (c) Kirkus Reviews, used with permission.

Seneca and Nero had been together for ten years now. Nero had grown up, and Seneca had grown old. The princeps had found new allies, among them another former tutor, a Greek freedman named Anicetus ("Invincible"). Nero had elevated this man to admiral of the Misenum fleet, a naval force he was grooming to be his own corps d'élite--the Praetorians being more devoted to his mother. Other freedmen, slaves, and foreigners had begun to rise at court, men whose complete dependence and subservience gratified Nero. The voices that whispered against Seneca and Burrus had grown in number and stridency, and Nero had shown more willingness to listen. It was to Anicetus, not to Seneca or Burrus, that Nero turned as he approached the great crisis of his reign, in the summer of 59. By that time, the young man's love for Poppaea had brought him to a pitch of dire resolve. He had decided on a crime that the future will believe with difficulty, and ages to come, with reluctance, as the play Octavia forecast--correctly. He had decided to kill his mother. It was what he had wanted to do years before but was prevented by Seneca and Burrus. Now, abetted by Anicetus, Nero found the courage to act. Perhaps Poppaea goaded him on, as Tacitus claims, by insisting she could never be his wife as long as Agrippina lived. But Nero needed no Lady Macbeth to harangue him into crime. He had already killed his adoptive brother on his own initiative; his mother posed a greater threat and caused him greater psychic torment. Did Seneca take part in Nero's matricidal plan? Tacitus wondered but didn't know. Dio made Seneca chief instigator, though like much of his testimony on Seneca, this seems little more than slander. The question of collaboration is indeed hard to resolve. A princeps could not have easily hid such a plot from a high-ranked counselor, but perhaps Seneca no longer ranked very high. If Nero kept him in the dark, declining to consult his old ally against Agrippina, then relations between teacher and pupil had truly gone downhill. If Seneca was consulted, he may have seen he could not prevent Nero from acting but could at least help him succeed. Under that scenario, he may have consented to murder if it could be done cunningly, so as to look like an accident. Cunning was indeed what was needed, for a daughter of Germanicus could not be attacked either with blades or legal writs. Poison too was out of the question; Agrippina, having long suspected Nero's intentions, had taken precautions, perhaps even fortifying herself with antidotes. A technologically savvy method was called for, and Nero was a great lover of technology. One day he saw in the theater, according to Dio, a collapsible boat that fell apart when a lever was worked, simulating a shipwreck. The idea took root in his obsessed mind. With a move as clean and remote as the proverbial push of a button, Nero could crush his mother, or drown her, or both, far out in the water and away from the public's eyes. He delegated the mission to Anicetus. Constructing the trick ship in secret was no simple task. Anicetus no doubt recruited his best shipwrights at Misenum and also trained loyal sailors who would crew on the fateful voyage. Meanwhile Nero set about making up with his mother. The two had become estranged of late--some breakup had followed their overly intimate union-- but Nero hastened to repair the breach. He had to regain Agrippina's trust enough to get her on that boat. Writing in jocular tones, admitting to having lost his temper, Nero cajoled his mother into joining him at Baiae, the sumptuous resort surrounded by lakes and a quiet bay, for the celebration of that year's Quinquatria, a rite of Minerva held at the spring equinox. Both Nero and his mother had villas at Baiae, as did many of the Roman elite. The place was famous for high living, loose morals, and easy pleasures, a den of vice that good men should shun, in the eyes of Seneca-- though he did sometimes go there. In his disdain, Seneca painted a vivid picture: "Why do we need to see drunken men wandering the beach and boaters on riotous pleasure cruises, and the lakes resounding with songs of musicians? . . . Do you think Cato would ever have lived there, to count the adulteresses as they sail past, the many kinds of boats painted with vivid colors, the roses bobbing everywhere on the lake's surface?" No was of course his answer, though he perhaps made the high season at Baiae sound more appealing than he meant to. Boating was the great thing at Baiae. Because most of the villas stood along a curving shore, or across a small bay at Puteoli, partiers could get from house to house by boat, putting in at small private docks. In her grander days, Agrippina had plied these waters in a state warship rowed by picked sailors. Just down the coast from her villa, an estate called Bauli, was the naval station at Misenum, where such ships and crews stood ready. Now, though, it was a different boat that arrived from Misenum for her use, a luxury yacht fi tted out with regal ornaments, manned by a special crew-- many of them Anicetus' trained assassins. Nero had this boat moored at a Baiae villa, where he had arranged a grand dinner party in Agrippina's honor. He presented the boat to his mother after dinner as a gift. It was only one of the many filial gestures he made that night, in an effort to overcome her distrust. Agrippina had her guard up, for she had long suspected her son might seek her life. But the splendidly arrayed ship appealed to her vanity, and Nero's kisses, as he put her on board, seemed sincere. It was a cloudless, windless night, "with a calm that seemed sent by the gods to reveal the crime," as Tacitus says in one of his most memorable sentences. The ship slipped along through shallow water, on its coasting voyage from Baiae to Bauli. Agrippina reclined with a friend, Acerronia, on a special couch on the vessel's rear deck. The two women talked warmly of the evening's entertainment and of the fond attentions of Nero. Nearby stood another of Agrippina's entourage, her procurator--manager of her estates--Crepereius Gallus. Without warning, a section of roofi ng above these three collapsed, slamming onto Gallus with the full force of its lead- reinforced weight. The man was immediately crushed to death. Had Agrippina not been reclining on her couch, or had Acerronia not been sitting lower still as she bent over her friend's feet, both would have died with Gallus. But the couch saved them. Its back and arms extended high enough to block the force of the falling lead. The two women got out from under the lethal weight and emerged into a frantic scene. Anicetus' agents among the crew were trying to complete their mission. They had expected the ship to break apart and pitch Agrippina into the sea, but this had failed to happen. Confused and seemingly lacking a backup plan, they rushed about on the boat's splintered deck. Some had the idea of capsizing the craft by putting all their weight on one side. But other crewmen who were not part of the plot, perhaps surmising what their comrades were up to, countered them by running to the opposite side. Shouts echoed across the bay's still surface, barely heard, if at all, by those on shore. As the boat gradually tipped, Agrippina and Acerronia slid into the water. Acerronia, perhaps failing to see the design behind the calamity, called out that she was Agrippina and asked for rescue. Her cries drew a hail of blows from oars and other naval gear, as nearby assassins saw a chance to finish their job. Acerronia was clubbed to death in the water, while Agrippina, who had kept a prudent silence, took only a hit on the shoulder. Glimpsing the lanterns of some fishing smacks nearby, she swam off unnoticed. Indefatigable to the last, she had escaped Nero's deathtrap. Safely returned to Bauli, Agrippina reflected on her position. Nero clearly meant to kill her but had gone to extreme lengths to keep the crime secret. Her high stature as daughter of Germanicus, and her son's timidity, had prevented an open attack, and these might now be enough to save her. She sent a messenger to Nero to inform him of the night's events, pretending it had all been a freak accident. If she could feign trust in her son, prevent him from striking a second blow, she could somehow rally support and strengthen her position. Already crowds of well-wishers, festival-goers who had heard about the collapse of the ship, were gathered outside her villa. She had a fighting chance, if she could only survive this night. Meanwhile at Baiae, Nero, accompanied by Anicetus, had fretted for hours awaiting word of the plot's outcome. The news that it had failed sent him into a tailspin. He knew that his mother would now spot his intentions. Wounded but not killed, Agrippina would become more dangerous than ever. She might march on his villa that very night with a band of armed slaves, or make her way back to Rome to denounce him before the Senate. Nero was determined that his mother must die before the next day dawned, but he had no idea how to proceed. In despair, he sent for his two senior counselors to be roused from their chambers--Seneca and Burrus. None of Seneca's meditations on morality, Virtue, Reason, and the good life could have prepared him for this. Before him, as he entered Nero's room, stood a frightened and enraged youth of twenty-three, his student and protégé for the past ten years. For the past fi ve, he had allied with the princeps against his dangerous mother. Now the path he had first opened for Nero, by supporting his dalliance with Acte, had led to a botched murder and a political debacle of the first magnitude. It was too late for Seneca to detach himself. The path had to be followed to its end. Every word Seneca wrote, every treatise he published, must be read against his presence in this room at this moment. He stood in silence for a long time, as though contemplating the choices before him. There were no good ones. When he fi nally spoke, it was to pass the buck to Burrus. Seneca asked whether Burrus could dispatch his Praetorians to take Agrippina's life. Now it was Burrus' turn to face the awful choices that came with collaboration. He too declined to do what the situation, and what full loyalty to Nero, demanded. The Praetorians, he said, had too strong an allegiance to Agrippina, and to the memory of her father. He suggested that Anicetus and the sailors at Misenum finish what they had started. Nero's old guard had temporized at a critical pass and thus ceded power to the new. Anicetus eagerly took on the task that Seneca and Burrus had cast off, and Nero instantly affirmed how highly he rated this boon. "Only today did I get control of the empire," he declared, "and it was a mere freedman who conferred such a great gift." This barb was aimed at Seneca who, despite having worked for a decade to firm up Nero's power, had now been found wanting. The sage's influence over the princeps, long in decline, had taken another lurch downward. With opportune timing, the messenger sent earlier by Agrippina, Agerinus, now arrived with news of his mistress's "accident." Nero was grateful for a pretext, however slim, to move openly against his mother. As Agerinus delivered his message, Nero dropped a sword by the man's feet and ordered him seized as an assassin. Then he dispatched Anicetus to Bauli. It was well past midnight when Anicetus' hit squad arrived at Agrippina's villa. In spite of the hour, the grounds and beach were thronged with Agrippina's well-wishers. Anicetus ordered them to disperse, then broke down the door and began removing household slaves. Agrippina was in her bedroom with a lone servant, but even this last companion disappeared when armed men were heard in the house. The queen mother was alone when Anicetus and two other officers burst into her room. She had been hoping it was her messenger Agerinus arriving; his long delay meant she was still in grave danger. Agrippina's only chance was to shame her attackers out of completing their mission, to remind them of the glory of her line. But she was exhausted, shaken from the night's ordeal, and wounded. The best she could manage, according to Tacitus, was to protest that Anicetus must have made some terrible mistake. Surely Nero would never order her death. The captain accompanying Anicetus, a man named Herculeius, answered by hitting her on the head with a club. The other officer standing by, Obaritus, drew his sword. Agrippina was all out of stratagems. There was little left for her but to die. Agrippina had been betrayed by those she had put in power, by Nero above all, but also by Burrus, Anicetus, and not least, Seneca. The sage she had rescued from Corsica, who owed all he had to her, had declined to raise his voice against her murder. Politics had first made bedfellows of her and Seneca--in the literal sense, some claimed. But politics, and her son's disordered mind, had arranged things such that only one of them could survive. The foremost woman of her age--sister of one emperor, wife of a second, mother of a third, the last of Germanicus' children--was about to die, friendless, abandoned, alone. One last, bold gesture remained to her, a gesture reported by three ancient sources. The author of Octavia describes it best: Dying and wretched, she makes one last request of her assassin: to sink his lethal sword in her womb. "Here's where to bury your sword, right here-- The place from which such a monster came. . . ." After those words, she lets her sad soul seep out through savage wounds together with a final groan. Excerpted from Dying Every Day: Seneca at the Court of Nero by James Romm All rights reserved by the original copyright owners. Excerpts are provided for display purposes only and may not be reproduced, reprinted or distributed without the written permission of the publisher.