The heir apparent A life of Edward VII, the playboy prince

Jane Ridley

Book - 2013

"Chronicles the eventful life of Queen Victoria's firstborn son, the quintessential black sheep of Buckingham Palace, who matured into as wise and effective a monarch as Britain has ever seen."--Publisher's description.

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Subjects
Published
New York : Random House [2013]
Language
English
Main Author
Jane Ridley (author)
Edition
First U.S. edition
Item Description
"Originally published in Great Britain by Chatto & Windus, a member of the Random House Group, London, in 2012, as Bertie: A Life of Edward VII"--Title page verso.
Physical Description
xxiv, 726 pages : illustrations, genealogical table ; 25 cm
Bibliography
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN
9781400062553
  • Introduction: The eighty-nine steps
  • Youth.
  • Victoria and Albert 1841
  • "Our poor strange boy" 1841-56
  • 'Neither fish nor flesh' 1856-60
  • Bertie's fall 1861
  • Marriage 1861-63
  • "Totally totally unfit...for ever becoming king" 1863-65
  • Alix's knee 1865-67
  • Marlborough House and Harriett Mordaunt 1868-70
  • Annus horribilis 1870-71
  • Expanding middle.
  • Resurrection? 1871-75
  • India 1875-76
  • The Aylesford scandal 1876
  • Lillie Langtry 1877-78
  • Prince Hal 1878-81
  • Prince of Pleasure 1881-87
  • William 1887-89
  • Scandal 1889-90
  • Nemesis 1890-92
  • Daisy Warwick 1892-96
  • "We are all in God's hands" 1897-1901
  • King
  • King Edward the Caresser 1901-2
  • "Edward the Confessor number two" 1902
  • King Edward the peacemaker 1903-5
  • Uncle of Europe 1905-7
  • King Canute 1908-9
  • King of Trumps 1909-10
  • The people's king March-May 1910.
Review by New York Times Review

jane RIDLEY'S book is timely in a double sense. When the British edition was released shortly after the 2012 Diamond Jubilee summer, America was still perplexed by the high point of that comically un-summery event as an armada-size flotilla of "tugboats and garbage barges" (Jon Stewart's sardonic description) passed in hours' long chugging convoy down the Thames, rain pelting remorselessly. Saluting on the dank royal barge were the freezing 86-year-old monarch and her nearly 91-year-old consort. The riverbanks were crowded with a million sodden subjects, roaring jubilantly. What, had Americans wondered, was that all about? Ridley's book will go some way toward explaining. The American publication of "The Heir Apparent" has coincided, happily for the publisher, with a mild spasm of American interest in the English monarchy with the birth of yet another heir. And the wizened features of a man not quite as old as Britain's reigning monarch recently appeared on the front page of Time magazine: a coronation of sorts. Just days short of the traditional retirement age of 65, Prince Charles declared himself ready. But the omens, despite those decades of loyal waiting, are not propitious. His mother's mother, the beloved Queen Mum, lived to see 101. When Edward VII's mother, Victoria, finally died, at age 81, he reportedly said, "It has come too late" (the occupational hazard of the heir apparent). The current Prince of Wales, having survived the Diana crisis, is popular with his people. So too, when he finally ascended to the throne, was Edward VII - an odd circumstance because, as Ridley's book demonstrates, he was immoral, selfish, philistine and rather stupid. In order to understand the paradox, one must acknowledge that the monarch has two selves: the spiritual and the personal. One is immortal, the other mortal. The English (less so the Scottish) revere their monarch not because he or she is lovable (they don't have a wonderful record in the amiability stakes) but because it affirms that "there'll always be an England." Ridley's superb book is the fruit of a decade's immersion in the royal archives, a privilege rarely granted. And her work was all the trickier because, at least in the past, royal archivists have often seen their role as not merely preserving documents but burying material deleterious to the interests of the throne. As Walter Bagehot, the authority on the (unwritten) British constitution, once put it, "daylight" must never be let in on the "magic." To penetrate the protective murk, Ridley has applied detective as well as scholarly skills. Nor is she overawed. With jaunty lèse-majesté she refers to her subject throughout as Bertie. In his lifetime, only his family and presumably his mistresses were allowed that right. Then again, there were quite a lot of mistresses. Bertie's romantic targets fell into several groups. There were the wives of his friends ("Greater love hath no man," goes the waggish quip, "than that he lay down his wife for his king") and the wives of members of the upper classes. The last, and one of the more durable, was Mrs. Alice Keppel, great-grandmother of Camilla Parker Bowles, the wife and former mistress of the current heir apparent. Bertie's other targets were world famous courtesans with names like La Barucci and Skittles. Actresses (including Lillie Langtry and Sarah Bernhardt) were also favored, as were the blue-blooded "professional beauties" thronging court events. In Bertie's younger days, common prostitutes were called upon. How seigneurially did he assert his rights? One can only fantasize. But what we do know would satisfy any divorce court. the house of Hanover feared two things : madness and republicanism. The terrible example of mad King George III haunted the family line. When Bertie was a child, the country's leading phrenologist was consulted and found the future monarch's skull "feeble and abnormal." His mother, throughout her life, believed he had a "small empty brain." In any case, he seemed resistant to education. The book Ridley records him most enjoying is a popular novel about adultery, "East Lynne," discussed with his entourage while cruising down the Nile, in between taking pot shots at crocodiles. Bertie often went to the opera, but just as often left before the end. He made few significant contributions to the royal collection of artworks. He loved "shooting" - especially when his prey was driven toward him in sacrificial droves. In later life, he devoted himself to baccarat and his stable (much more successfully, with three Derby winners). Bertie's father, Prince Albert, did his best to make the heir apparent worthy of his future role with brutally severe tutoring and, when necessary, the even more brutal whip. "I had no boyhood," Bertie later recalled. When he reached manhood, he was free to kick up his heels and celebrated with a military barracks whore called Nellie. Reported by ever-watchful spies to his parents, Bertie's behavior caused Albert "the deepest pain I have yet felt in this life." Victoria firmly believed the news precipitated her beloved husband's decline and death. She could, she said, never thereafter look at her son "without a shudder." After his "fall," Bertie was rushed into marriage with a Danish princess, Alexandra. "She is my brood mare," he later confided, falling back on the inevitable horsy image. "The others are my hacks." "Alix" endured six pregnancies by the age of 26. But Ridley dismisses the possibility that Bertie infected her with syphilis, which some whispered was the cause of her lifelong invalidism. Bertie gorged as eagerly as he philandered. After a multicourse dinner, Ridley records, "he was said to retire with a cold chicken by his bed, which, so the story went, was always bare in the morning. His nickname was Tum Tum." One luckless friend who dared address him that way was instantly banished. Over time, Bertie's 29¼-inch waist ballooned to 48 inches. He smoked 20 cigarettes and a dozen Havanas a day. Emphysema and heart failure killed him, at age 68. His main enthusiasm was for uniforms (he liked to strut in a Field Marshal's outfit) and "dress." His lasting sartorial monuments are the undone bottom button on the gentleman's waistcoat (the 48-inch "tum," not style, was the reason); the cuff, or turn-up, on trouser legs; and the "dinner jacket." Bertie's devotion to his public appearance - particularly when crowds or camera lenses were present - was punctilious. A quick Internet search will make the point. As Prince of Wales, Bertie was not party to Foreign Office dispatches, on the orders of his mother. At this stage, his judgment in international affairs was felt to be "worryingly naïve." And yet, Ridley argues, he became shrewder with age and may claim some credit for helping to forge the Entente Cordiale with France. What were his main achievements? As Ridley plausibly observes, Edward VII astutely perceived the necessity of making royalty a spectacle, realizing that the monarchy, if it was to survive, must put on a show for the people. In the future, the royals would be players not in the political but in the theatrical sense. As that drenched celebration on June 3, 2012, demonstrates, his perception was probably correct. When Edward VIPs mother, Victoria, died, he reportedly said, 'It has come too late.' john Sutherland's most recent book,"A Little History of Literature," has just been published. By Brooke Allen QUEEN ANNE The Politics of Passion By Anne Somerset Illustrated. 621 pp. Alfred A. Knopf. $35. Britain's queen anne (who reigned from 1702 to 1714) has not been treated kindly by historians. Consensus has it that "Brandy Nan" was obese and of limited intelligence, with a predilection for the bottle. More dangerously, she is supposed to have put herself under the thumb of domineering women favorites with political agendas: first the Whig partisan Sarah Churchill, Duchess of Marlborough, and subsequently the duchess's upstart cousin Abigail Masham, a Tory sympathizer. (It is suggested from the surviving correspondence that Anne might have had lesbian leanings, though whether these were ever acted upon is unknown.) She is seldom given any credit for the great events of her reign, which included the 1707 Act of Union and the glorious victories over the armies of Louis XIV. Anne Somerset, who has written about Elizabeth I and William IV, among other royals, has now produced a spirited and extremely convincing defense of the hapless Anne. So many of our unflattering ideas about Anne, she points out, have come from the vindictive pen of the Duchess of Marlborough. The fact that the duchess was clever, witty and bitchy meant that her jibes have been remembered and repeated through the generations. What many have failed to take into account is that the beautiful duchess was not only a termagant but was unreliable and demonstrably unbalanced. (Somerset wisely doesn't go in for posthumous psychoanalyzing, but the duchess's behavior could be consistent with both clinical mania and paranoia.) Her fall from Anne's favor was no one's fault but her own - she had behaved again and again, as Somerset demonstrates, with staggering insolence - nevertheless, her rage knew no bounds when Anne took up with the more pliant Abigail Masham. Yet the veracity of the duchess's memoirs and correspondence has seldom been questioned, while the Marlboroughs' image has been expertly burnished for posterity, thanks mainly to their famous descendant Winston Churchill's multivolume biography of the duke. Anne had the misfortune to live in interesting times. She was born five years after the restoration of her uncle, Charles II; her father, James II, was the heir-apparent and continued to be so, for the libidinous Charles, father of numerous out-of-wedlock offspring, was unable to sire a legitimate child. James, alas, was a Roman Catholic, and at his succession to the throne a country exhausted by a century of religious turbulence, inducing a revolution and civil war, was unwilling to accept a monarch not of the established religion. James played his cards exceedingly badly, and when he was ousted after only three years, Anne deserted his cause in favor of her elder sister, Mary, and her husband, William of Orange, who became England's first constitutional monarchs. As William and Mary continued childless, it became probable that Anne would ascend the throne. She was unpromising monarchical material. For one thing, she wasn't particularly well educated - even the partisan Somerset doesn't claim otherwise - and her schooling was "astonishingly inadequate," considering the possibility she might become queen: She was taught only the most basic arithmetic and very little of the history of her own realm. "There can be no doubt that had Anne been a boy she would have been taught very differently," Somerset writes, while adding rather astutely that "whether such a training, with its heavy emphasis on classical languages, would have made Anne a better ruler remains conjectural." Anne was also plagued by ill health. At the time this was attributed to "gout," a catchall term of the 18th century, but the illness that tormented her might have been lupus, a disease that was crippling before the advent of modern medications. Yet Anne had a surprising confidence in her ability to govern, one that seems not to have been entirely misplaced. Her love for her country and her wish to do well by it are evident in all that she did and wrote. Her firmness in the Anglican faith and her distaste for all religious dissent might not seem particularly laudable to modern readers, who prize toleration, but in the context of the era it was all-important. England wanted a Protestant monarch, and it wanted religious harmony, insofar as that was possible; Anne provided these. The presence of her Catholic half brother, just across the Channel in France, was a perpetual threat that Anne's army and navy managed to contain. Far from having no will of her own, as the Duchess of Marlborough claimed, Anne demonstrated a firm one at many moments of crisis, and for someone who clearly disliked confrontation she proved again and again that she could face it when necessary. Like Queen Victoria a century and a half later, Anne cultivated a maternal image, presenting herself as the mother of her people. Tragically, her career as an actual mother was cut short: None of her children survived to adulthood. Pregnant at least 17 times, she suffered numerous miscarriages and stillbirths. Two little daughters were taken from her by smallpox. Her precocious but sickly son and heir, the Duke of Gloucester, succumbed to a fever at the age of 11. As the number of pregnancies suggests, Anne enjoyed a happy relationship with her husband, Prince George of Denmark. Mocked as a nonentity by highfliers like the Marlboroughs, George didn't cut a glamorous figure at court or on the battlefield, but he was a kind and thoughtful man, supportive of his wife and content, so it seemed, with his second-place position. Anne's marriage was solid, even if she was romantically attracted to other women. When Sarah Churchill, in a crude attempt at blackmail, threatened to make Anne's early, effusive letters public, Anne was dismayed, begging the duchess to return her "strange scrawls." If all this makes Somerset's biography sound like a racy read in the style of Ophelia Field's 2003 biography of the Duchess of Marlborough, nothing could be further from the truth. "Queen Anne" is essentially a political biography: British party politics were born in Queen Anne's lifetime, during the attempt to exclude her Catholic father from the succession, and during her own reign the Whig-Tory rivalry reached a level of malice and vituperation that has perhaps never again been matched. Many pages are devoted to the machinations of players like Robert Harley (later Lord Oxford), Henry St. John (later Lord Bolingbroke) and Sidney Godolphin. The rivalries and back-stabbing between the various factions make as unedifying a spectacle as anything to be seen on today's Senate floor, and may wear down a majority of casual readers. Despite the book's subtitle, it contains more politics than passion. The unlikely queen achieved numerous successes in her life, but none, perhaps, was more surprising than her leaving of it. As her health declined rapidly, some court insiders speculated that she had made secret deals with the Jacobites, providing for her half brother to return and claim his lost kingdom. Most observers feared that chaos or revolution would ensue upon her death. Nothing of the kind occurred: The Protestant succession, planned since 1688, went smoothly into gear, and Prince George of Hanover unhurriedly made his way to England to become King George I. Bolingbroke was amazed: "Sure there never was yet so quiet a transition from one government to another." Despite further Jacobite invasions during the Georgian period, the British succession would never again be in real question. "Free at last of all her pain, care and sorrow," Somerset concludes, "this most conscientious of rulers had discharged her final duty." Anne is supposed to have put herself under the thumb of women with political agendas. BROOKE ALLEN teaches literature at Bennington College. She is editing the collected letters of Terry Southern.

Copyright (c) The New York Times Company [December 1, 2013]
Review by Booklist Review

*Starred Review* Long-lived Queen Victoria had an era named after her, as did her long-waiting heir when he eventually succeeded to the British throne. Edward VII was an absolute style icon and knew how to enjoy a good party and a robust liaison with a pretty and willing woman. The term Edwardian thus became associated with high fashion and high living. The title of Ridley's biography of King Edward is appropriate to the popular sense of the monarch, that his life was defined by his many years as the indulged and indulgent Prince of Wales. But significant research stands behind the author's more judicious understanding of the man, that the dissipated prince evolved into a model king. Barred by his mother from any participation in royal duties out of her obsessive conviction that her son was not of sufficiently solid material to follow her on the throne, Bertie turned, in compensation, to hot pursuit of pleasure, garnering a reputation for playing not only hard but even scandalously. Nevertheless, upon the old queen's demise in 1901 and his own accession, Edward rose to the occasion to be Britain's first constitutional monarch as we define that role today, modernizing the monarchy and making it stronger. A top-notch royal biography for all active British-history collections.--Hooper, Brad Copyright 2010 Booklist

From Booklist, Copyright (c) American Library Association. Used with permission.
Review by Publisher's Weekly Review

After researching in the royal archives at Windsor Palace for more than five years, Ridley, a fellow of the Royal Society of Literature and professor of history at Buckingham University, wove together this marvelously rich biography of Edward VII (1841-1910). Called Bertie by his family, Edward's inner life is teased out by Ridley through the correspondence of those around him. The resulting portrait is remarkably thorough, quite a feat considering the bulk of information that comes from the colossal, dramatic, and one-sided diaries and letters of Bertie's mother, Queen Victoria (1819-1901). Victoria more often than not disapproved of Bertie and the archives reveal that this neglected child was driven by the need to be worthy of his parents. Continually dismissed, he becomes a closed-off youth, taking great joys where he could find them-far away from Victorian respectability. Ridley shows that for as much as Bertie is portrayed as a slovenly gambler and womanizer, by the time he ascended to the throne in 1901, at age 59, he had matured to play a significant role in reforming Britain's monarchy. Readers both general and specialized will delight in Ridley's work; it raises the bar for royal biographies to come. (Dec.) (c) Copyright PWxyz, LLC. All rights reserved.

(c) Copyright PWxyz, LLC. All rights reserved
Review by Library Journal Review

Starred Review. There would be no Edwardian era without Queen Victoria's son Bertie, who lived life to the fullest while waiting to ascend the throne. Like the era he lent his name to, Bertie was a fan of good living, fancy parties, and quiet yet passionate liaisons. Still, he became a model king whose reign helped move Britain into the modern era. Meticulously researched and unsurprisingly dishy, Ridley's biography is the definitive work on this fascinating historical figure. (LJ 1/14) (c) Copyright 2014. Library Journals LLC, a wholly owned subsidiary of Media Source, Inc. No redistribution permitted.

(c) Copyright Library Journals LLC, a wholly owned subsidiary of Media Source, Inc. No redistribution permitted.
Review by Kirkus Book Review

A highly readable, definitive biography of Queen Victoria's son, the "black sheep of Buckingham Palace" who matured into an effective monarch. Originally aiming at a short life of Edward VII (18411910), the eponymous British king who gave his name to an age, Ridley (History/Buckingham Univ.; Young Disraeli, 1804- 1846, 1995) unexpectedly received unrestricted access to Edward's papers in the Royal Archives, a privilege not granted in 50 years. This proved irresistible; the author spent 10 years writing this top-notch life of the king. Edward's mother, Queen Victoria, turns out to be not at all Victorian, but highly sexed, hysterical, as politically assertive as her grandfather and a terrible mother. Readers will flinch at the brutal educational regimen inflicted on her nine children, documented as if it were an affair of state. Unlike his siblings, Edward was not bright enough to absorb it or clever enough to sidestep the worst features. During a long, frustrating adulthood, he achieved some independence but never escaped the baleful influence of his mother. Until her death, when Edward was nearing 60, she persistently hectored him for his idle, irresponsible life while refusing to allow him any significant political duty on the grounds that he was idle and irresponsible. His playboy image was largely deserved during his youth, less so when he matured, both in years and in his treatment of women. Ridley emphasizes that not only did he become a wise and reforming king, but that his achievements have been underestimated through efforts of contemporary leaders, such as Arthur Balfour and H.H. Asquith, to suppress his contributions. There is no shortage of biographies of Edward VII, but this thick, lucid and lively history deserves pride of place on the shelf.]] Copyright Kirkus Reviews, used with permission.

Copyright (c) Kirkus Reviews, used with permission.

Chapter 1 Victoria and Albert 1841 "Not feeling very well again and had rather a restless night," wrote Queen Victoria in her journal on 17 October 1841. She was heavily pregnant with her second child. Next day, the royal obstetrician, Dr. Locock, examined the Queen and pronounced the birth to be imminent. Much against her will, she traveled from Windsor, where she was comfortable, to Buckingham Palace, which she disliked. Fat as a barrel and wearing no stays, the twenty-­two-­year-­old Queen expected her confinement daily. She felt "wretched" and too tired to walk. Prince Albert watched his wife anxiously. He wrote in bold black ink in his large childish hand to the prime minister, warning him to be ready to appear at the palace at the shortest notice, "as we have reason to believe a certain event is approaching." It was a false alarm, the first of many. Victoria had not wanted this baby, and she was furious to discover herself pregnant again only months after the birth of her first child. She had a "vein of iron," but though she was Queen of England, she could not rule her own biology. Feeling nauseous, flushed, and stupid, she was powerless to stop the control of affairs slipping from her fingers. Still more did she resent her enforced abstinence from nights of married bliss with her "Angel," Albert. On the morning of 9 November 1841, the Queen's pains began. Only Albert, four doctors, and a midwife, Mrs. Lilly, attended the labor. At the prince's request, the prime minister, his colleagues, and the Archbishop of Canterbury did not witness the birth but, contrary to custom, waited in another room. Albert, always conscious of appearances, had insisted that the Queen "was most anxious from a feeling of delicacy that it should appear in the Gazette that at her confinement only the Prince, Dr Locock and the nurse were present in the room." His own attendance at the birth, which was widely reported, gave an example to English manhood of how a modern father should behave. Delivering the royal baby was nervous work for Dr. Locock. Although this was the Queen's second confinement, her first child had been a girl, and the possibility of a male heir to the throne meant that this birth was an important political event. The job of royal obstetrician was so risky that Locock was paid danger money--­an exorbitant fee of £1,000. At twelve minutes to eleven, a boy was born. The baby was exceptionally large, the mother was only four feet eleven inches tall, and it had been a difficult birth. "My sufferings were really very severe," wrote Victoria, "and I do not know what I should have done but for the great comfort and support my beloved Albert was to me during the whole time."9 Albert, who (according to his private secretary) was "very happy but too anxious and nervous to bear his happiness with much calmness," showed the baby to the ministers waiting next door. The healthy boy was the first Prince of Wales to be born since 1762, but for his mother this was not a cause for rejoicing. The fate of Princess Charlotte, Victoria's first cousin, could never have been far from the mind of Dr. Locock. Charlotte died in November 1817 after an agonizing fifty-­hour labor, having given birth to a stillborn son. Her accoucheur--­the fancy French title for what was little more than an unqualified male midwife--­shot himself three months later. If Charlotte had not succumbed to postpartum hemorrhage, Queen Victoria would not have been born. Charlotte's death detonated a crisis of succession for the Hanoverian dynasty. Not only was she the sole legitimate child of the Prince Regent, later George IV, but, incredibly, she was the only legitimate grandchild of George III--­in spite of the fact that he had fathered a brood of six princesses and seven princes. Not that the Hanoverians were an infertile lot. Three of the daughters of George III remained spinsters and the three princesses who married were childless; but the seven sons managed to sire an estimated twenty children between them. All except Charlotte were illegitimate. The sons of George III had failed in their fundamental dynastic purpose: to ensure the succession. When Charlotte died, Lord Byron threw open the windows of his Venice apartment and emitted a piercing scream over the Grand Canal. She was the only member of the royal family whom the people loved, and with her death the credibility of the monarchy slumped. The Prince Regent, who reigned in place of his old, mad father, George III, was lecherous, gluttonous, and grossly self-­indulgent. How he had managed to father Princess Charlotte was a mystery. On his wedding night he was so drunk that he slept in the fireplace. He banished his wife and treated her with ostentatious cruelty, which made him deeply disliked. He and his brothers were the so-­called wicked uncles of Queen Victoria, and even by the rakehell standards of the day, they were dissolute. Charlotte's death forced these middle-­aged roués, with their dyed whiskers, their wigs, and their paunches, to enter into an undignified race to beget an heir. One by one they dumped their mistresses and hastened to the altar. Their choice of brides was limited by the Royal Marriages Act, introduced by George III in 1772, which made it illegal for the King's children to marry without his consent. The royal family disapproved of princes marrying into the English aristocracy, as this involved the monarchy in party politics. Under the Act of Settlement of 1701, Roman Catholics were excluded from the succession. So the royal marriage market was effectively confined to the small Protestant German courts, which acted as stud farms for the Hanoverian monarchy. Prince Edward, Duke of Kent, was the fourth son of George III. Neither dissolute nor vicious, he was large and talkative with a certain sly cunning. He smelled of garlic and tobacco, and he was always in debt. In the army he was a stickler for uniforms and a harsh disciplinarian, heartily disliked by the rank and file. He had lived contentedly for twenty-­eight years with his bourgeois French mistress, the childless Julie de St. Laurent. When the death of Princess Charlotte gave him the opportunity to supplicate Parliament to pay off his debts in exchange for trading in his bachelor status, the duke did not hesitate to discard Julie and marry a German princess. His choice was Victoire, the thirty-­year-­old widow of the minor German prince of Leiningen and the mother of two young children. She was also the sister of Prince Leopold of Saxe-­Coburg-­Saalfeld, the widower of Princess Charlotte. The Kents shared a double marriage ceremony in 1818 with William, Duke of Clarence, the third son of George III, who married another German princess, Adelaide of Saxe-­Meiningen. Two weeks earlier, the seventh brother, Adolphus, the virtuous Duke of Cambridge, his mother's favorite, had married yet another German princess, Augusta of Hesse-­Cassel. Ernest, the Duke of Cumberland, who had married a German princess four years before, and had as yet produced no children, was now hard at it. The race was on. Kent won. On 24 May 1819, the duchess gave birth to a daughter, Victoria. This baby was fifth in line to the throne, coming after the Regent and his three younger brothers. No one questioned Victoria's legitimacy at the time, but the rogue gene for hemophilia that she carried throws doubt on her paternity. Two of her daughters were carriers of the gene for the condition, which impairs blood clotting, and one of her sons, Leopold, was a bleeder. Victoria's gene was either inherited or the result of a spontaneous mutation. Hemophilia cannot be traced in either the Hanoverian or the Saxe-­Coburg family; and as the odds of spontaneous mutation are 25,000:1, Victoria's gene has prompted speculation that the Duke of Kent was not her biological father. According to one scenario, the Duchess of Kent, despairing of her husband's fertility, and desperate to win the race for the succession, decided to take corrective action and sleep with another man. Unfortunately, this lover happened to be hemophiliac. This melodramatic hypothesis is entirely speculative, and there is not a scrap of historical evidence to support it. The Duke of Kent was not infertile; on the contrary, he is credited with at least two well-­attested illegitimate children.13 Victoria, along with her eldest son, inherited unmistakably Hanoverian features, such as a receding chin and protruding nose (her profile in old age is remarkably similar to that of her grandfather, George III), as well as a tendency toward obesity and explosive rages. Courts are hotbeds of gossip, but there was no whisper at the time that Victoria was illegitimate. Scientists believe that the faulty gene was a new mutation. At least one in four incidences of hemophilia are the result of new mutations, and this is especially likely in the case of older fathers; the Duke of Kent was fifty-­one when Victoria was conceived. So the odds are that the gene, which was later to wreak havoc with both the Spanish and the Russian royal families via marriages to Victoria's granddaughters, originated in the testicles of the Duke of Kent in 1818. The genetic time bomb of hemophilia was the tragic price paid by his descendants when Kent won the race that the wits dubbed Hymen's War Terrific. Victoria's doctors and family worried not that she was illegitimate, but, on the contrary, that she had inherited the Hanoverian insanity. Mention of the madness of George III was suppressed in the nineteenth century, largely because Victoria herself was sensitive on the subject, but the royal doctors were well aware of it. It blighted the lives of the daughters of George III, who, prevented from marrying, were confined to the so-­called nunnery at Windsor. In the 1960s, the mother-­and-­son medical historians Ida Macalpine and Richard Hunter made the diagnosis of the genetic disease porphyria. Symptoms include severe rheumatic pain, skin rashes, light sensitivity, and attacks of acute illness, but the diagnostic clincher for this rare metabolic disorder is red-­stained urine. The disease had apparently bedeviled the royal family since Mary, Queen of Scots, and James I, but only caused madness in extreme cases. A recent analysis of the hair of George III shows abnormal levels of arsenic. This was prescribed by his doctors, but the medication may have been counterproductive and made his illness worse. Building on the work of Macalpine and Hunter, researchers have conjectured that most of the children of George III were afflicted by some of the symptoms of porphyria. The Prince Regent was laid low by bouts of acute illness and episodes of mental confusion, and he complained of a range of porphyria symptoms, which he self-­medicated with alarmingly large doses of laudanum. He and his brothers were all convinced that they suffered from a peculiar family disease. The medical history of Victoria's father includes attacks of abdominal pain, "rheumatism," and acute sensitivity to sunlight, all symptoms of porphyria. Earlier biographers insisted that Victoria was completely unaffected, but the picture is not quite so straightforward. One of her granddaughters, Princess Charlotte of Prussia, whose distressing medical history is fully documented, seems to have suffered from the disease. She may have inherited it through Victoria, though Victoria herself was asymptomatic, or at worst a mild sufferer. Much of this is speculative. The porphyria theory is known to be shaky and incapable of real proof, and it has come under attack from other medical historians. No one knows for certain what was wrong with the unfortunate George III. It is conceivable that contemporaries were right after all, and he really was mad. The latest theory is that he was afflicted by bipolar disorder. Victoria's father, the Duke of Kent, died unexpectedly of pneumonia when she was eight months old. Six days later, her grandfather, George III, also died, and she advanced from fifth to third in the line of succession. Victoria was brought up in seclusion and (by royal standards) reduced circumstances by her mother, the Duchess of Kent, in an apartment in Kensington Palace. Her mother quarreled with George IV, "whose great wish," as her uncle Leopold told Victoria, "was to get you and your Mama out of the country." Had Victoria lived in Germany, as the King desired, she would have been perceived as just another German princess. The duchess, however, was an ambitious woman, and she took great care to ensure that her daughter was brought up as heir to the English throne. The rift between the Duchess of Kent and George IV meant that her mother kept the young Victoria under constant surveillance. She was never alone without a servant. She was not allowed to walk downstairs without someone holding her hand. At night she slept in a bed in her mother's room. She was allowed no friends. Even her half sister, Feodora, twelve years her senior, was banished, married off to the minor German prince of Hohenlohe-­Langenburg, where she lived in a freezing palace in a dull court. Louise Lehzen, Victoria's governess, was appointed because she was German and knew no one of influence in England. Victoria was effectively a prisoner, with her mother acting as jailer. In 1830, George IV died and was succeeded by his brother, the Duke of Clarence, now William IV. The Duchess of Kent became paranoid about the new King, whom she suspected of plotting to cut her out and promote Victoria as his heir. Determined to ensure that she should be regent, the duchess kept her daughter away from court. She refused to allow Victoria to attend the Coronation, and she enraged the new King by taking her around the country on quasi-­official royal progresses. She was aided and abetted by Sir John Conroy, her comptroller, a scheming Irish officer who was widely believed to be her lover. No Gothic novelist could have invented a villain blacker than Conroy. He terrified Victoria with tales of plans to poison her and promote the claims to the throne of her younger uncles. When, aged sixteen, she fell seriously ill with typhoid fever, he presented her with a letter appointing him as her private secretary, and stood over her sickbed demanding that she sign it. With precocious strength of will, Victoria refused. Victoria's isolated upbringing meant that her mother was entirely responsible for her education. Victoria spoke and wrote fluent French and German, and she excelled at arithmetic and drawing. She had lessons in history, geography, religion, music, and Latin (reluctantly).21 She learned more than most aristocratic girls, but she did not receive the instruction in subjects such as constitutional history considered necessary for princes. As Lord Melbourne remarked: "The rest of her education she owes to her own shrewdness and quickness, and this perhaps has not been the proper education for one who was to wear the Crown of England." Excerpted from The Heir Apparent: A Life of Edward VII, the Playboy Prince by Jane Ridley All rights reserved by the original copyright owners. Excerpts are provided for display purposes only and may not be reproduced, reprinted or distributed without the written permission of the publisher.