Catherine the Great Portrait of a woman

Robert K. Massie, 1929-2019

Book - 2011

Presents a reconstruction of the eighteenth-century empress's life that covers her efforts to engage Russia in the cultural life of Europe, her creation of the Hermitage, and her numerous scandal-free romantic affairs.

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Subjects
Published
New York : Random House [2011]
Language
English
Main Author
Robert K. Massie, 1929-2019 (-)
Edition
First edition
Physical Description
xiii, 625 pages, 16 unnumbered pages of color plates : color illustrations (some color), maps ; 25 cm
Bibliography
Includes index and bibliographical references (pages 577-599) and index.
ISBN
9780679456728
Contents unavailable.
Review by New York Times Review

How delightful to discover that Robert K. Massie, 82 years old, hasn't lost his mojo. At a heft befitting its subject, his long-awaited "Catherine the Great: Portrait of a Woman" is a consistently nimble and buoyant performance, defying what might in a lesser writer's hands prove a deadly undertow of exhaustively researched historical facts. Of course, Massie, who has spent almost half a century studying czarist Russia, has always been a biographer with the instincts of a novelist. He understands plot - fate - as a function of character, and the narrative perspective he establishes and maintains, a vision tightly aligned with that of his subject, convinces a reader he's not so much looking at Catherine the Great as he is out of her eyes. It's an elegantly simple and effective strategy, one familiar to Massie's admirers, who will find his latest work as juicy and suspenseful as the book that thrust him into celebrity when it was published in 1967, smack in the middle of the cold war. The genius of "Nicholas and Alexandra" was that it recreated the tragedy of the last Romanov rulers from the inside out, intimately enough to challenge even a Bolshevik to insist on the decadence and inhumanity of monarchs whose first of many misfortunes was an accident of timing, as czarism was defunct if not yet dead when Nicholas inherited the crown. By contrast, Catherine the Great would be able to credit the "many lucky circumstances" that facilitated her seizing control of a system of imperial absolutism at the height of its influence, if bearing the blueprint of its own destruction. She began her life on April 21, 1729, as Sophia Augusta Fredericka, a minor German princess whose 16-year-old mother, Johanna, immediately handed her over to a wet nurse. Johanna's maternal feeling - all of it - was held in reserve for the yet-to-be conceived son she hoped would secure her claim to his father's princedom. But when the sickly son, born 18 months after Sophia, died at 12, Johanna had no choice but to redirect her energies onto her one remaining ticket to the exalted social position she coveted. Never underestimate the power of a cold, calculating and unaffectionate mother to inspire ambition in her child. Determined not just to escape but to transcend her unhappy beginnings, Sophia became Johanna's collaborator. Having discovered that people preferred "to talk about themselves rather than anything else," she learned to conceal pride with humility and became a very good listener, both skills that would serve her well as Empress and Autocrat of All the Russias. She wanted power and she wanted what she "couldn't live for a day without" - love - and she'd get them both, in spades, but not from the husband who awaited her. He looked good on paper, "the only surviving male descendant of Peter the Great," enough that Russia's reigning and childless empress Elizabeth chose her nephew Peter as her successor and had him plucked from his native Holstein and delivered to St. Petersburg. But when she saw the "odd little figure" Peter presented at 14, weak in both body and mind, she began hunting for a bride to facilitate her leapfrogging over his incompetence by presenting her a grandson as heir. Each year may have produced "a new crop of eligible adolescent European princesses," but only one had Johanna for a mother. With the persistence of a terrier, Johanna unearthed and exploited any and all connections to the top, and once she'd contrived a means of introducing her 14-year-old daughter, the empress noted Sophia's "freshness, intelligence and discreet, submissive manner." Indeed, Sophia had many virtues, both cultured and innate, to recommend her as an ideal candidate for marriage to the unprepossessing Peter, but it was her immediate and canny pursuit of everything Russian - church, language and customs - that predicted the transformation of a girl who might otherwise have been a historical footnote into "the pre-eminent royal personage in the world." A zealous student who begged her tutor for more hours to fill with lessons, Sophia slipped out of bed to drill herself on Russian vocabulary while pacing the cold stone floors. Rather than kill her, however, the pneumonia she developed secured her place in the empress's affections and kindled the first of her many public relations triumphs. "In the space of a few weeks," reports that Sophia's love for Russia was so great that she'd risked her life to learn her adoptive nation's language more quickly seduced a public eternally suspicious of German influences and machinations. UPON her marriage, Catherine - the name the empress gave Sophia on the occasion of her mandatory conversion to Orthodoxy - found herself shackled to a 17-year-old whom one European king would remember as "a mere poltroon ... comic in all things ... not stupid, but mad." He was precocious in alcoholism if nothing else, and his drinking was encouraged by servants whom he dressed in military uniforms for "indoor parades" when he wasn't playing with the toy soldiers that filled his room and which he took to bed with him. Had they been Russian uniforms or Russian toy soldiers - had Peter the sense and ambition of his wife, who worked assiduously to obliterate every damning trace of her German origins - his future might not have been quite so bleak. But his six-month reign, which began in 1761, was characterized by his attempting to remake the Orthodox Church into Protestantism even as he set out to "reorganize the Russian Army on the Prussian model." To be an ineffectual czar is unfortunate, to attack both of Russia's two most sacred institutions and announce loyalty to an enemy nation by wearing a Prussian uniform to state functions was tantamount to inviting the coup d'état that removed him from the throne in 1762. Catherine, too, made calculated and convincing appearances in uniform, but that of a Russian soldier. Dressed as a colonel of an elite Russian regiment and mounted on a white stallion, Catherine, an expert horsewoman, led 14,000 infantry soldiers to arrest and unseat her feckless husband, who, Nero-like, ignored reports of conspiracy to go on playing his violin. While most of Europe blamed Catherine for her husband's murder in prison, her hands remained technically unstained. "The circumstances and cause of death, and the intentions and degree of responsibility of those involved," Massie writes, "can never be known." Eight years after seizing the throne, the empress appeared in uniform "at every military parade in the capital" to honor her army's campaign in Turkey. If, as Massie surmises, Catherine's need for admiration and power issued from the "permanent wound" of her mother's rejection, it would be her inspired manipulation of symbols for the benefit of her largely illiterate public that secured her position as Matushka - the mother of all Russia. When Elizabeth lay in state, Catherine, now empress, had remained kneeling beside the bier, veiled and wearing a plain black dress and no jewels, demonstrating respect and devotion even as her husband had purposefully interrupted the "funeral of the woman who had made him an emperor" with acts of "grotesque buffoonery." When Russia was threatened by a smallpox epidemic, Catherine set the example of being inoculated first to convince her people of the safety of the new, effective measure "shunned in continental Europe as being too dangerous." To demonstrate her attachment and availability to her subjects the empress walked "in the park in a plain dress ... mingling with the public." Like Peter the Great, whose towering bronze monument she commissioned to declare herself the great czar's "true political heir," Catherine dreamed of improving the lot of Russians, especially its millions of serfs, by looking westward, to the example of Europe, when she rewrote Russia's legal code. She was an admirer of Montesquieu and Beccaria, and her intellectual energy and curiosity prompted high-profile friendships and lofty correspondence with Enlightenment giants like Voltaire and Diderot, the second of whom she depended on as a scout to aide her accelerated acquisition of the European masterworks destined for her Hermitage collection. Whatever hopes Catherine had of ending serfdom and relaxing czarism's despotic hold over her people were permanently quashed by a pretender to her throne, Emelyan Pugachev, who claimed to be her murdered husband and raised an army of Cossacks against the nobility, a "most serious challenge" to her authority characterized by not only violence but also atrocities, including the slaughter of children and the raping of women. After "obliterating all traces of the internal revolt," Catherine disappeared Pugachev, just as she had Ivan VI, deposed as an infant by Elizabeth and removed by Catherine from the notice of anyone who might remember his "dynastically impeccable" right to the crown. The Pugachev rebellion cost Catherine her idealism, quickening her monarchist sympathies when France endured its bloody revolution. Reminded forcefully that her support lay in the nobility, she pruned back her ambitions and, Massie writes, "concentrated on what she believed to be Russian interests within her power to change: the expansion of her empire and the enrichment of its culture." For as long as she ruled she remained alert to any sign of insurrection, forever anxious that France's new constitutional republic might be received as an example to follow. ONE of the unexpected pleasures of "Catherine the Great" is that the degree to which Massie invites us to identify with his subject as she grows and changes in a role she began cultivating herself to attain at the age of 14. After waiting seven years for Peter to consummate their union, the previously steadfast virgin understood she had no more time to waste providing the heir for which she had been imported and discreetly took the first of her 12 illustrious, and serial, lovers who would offer the political acumen and sexual gratification her husband could not. Having felt her outrage and grief at her son's being immediately seized by Elizabeth to raise as her own, readers may be surprised to find themselves still sympathizing with Catherine when, later perceiving him "as a rival," she treats his imported German princess wife with equal insensitivity, alienating her grandsons from their parents to secure her in their affection and grooming them for the crown she considered withholding from her son. In fact, for the reader who has followed her career as intimately as Massie allows, many times thrilled by the sang-froid of an extraordinary woman secure in her gifts and her authority, Catherine's ruthless abrogation of any threat to the power she claimed is at least as delicious as it is deplorable. Whatever it takes, we want her to remain forever where she placed herself - in history's pantheon. Mounted on a white stallion, Catherine led 14,000 soldiers to arrest and unseat her feckless husband. Kathryn Harrison is writing a biography of Joan of Arc. Her new novel, "Enchantments," will be published next March.

Copyright (c) The New York Times Company [November 20, 2011]
Review by Booklist Review

*Starred Review* The popularity of Massie's biographies of Russian czars presages a comparable reception for his presentation of Sophia of Anhalt-Zerbst, as Catherine the Great was originally named. She appeals to readers for several reasons. Those interested in the expansion and development of the Russian Empire under her reign (1762-96) can delve into her conduct of war and diplomacy, cultivation of Enlightenment notables, and attempted reforms of law and government. And those fascinated by the intimate intrigues of dynasties will find an extraordinary example in Catherine's ascent from minor German princess to absolute autocrat of Russia. Court life is Massie's strong suit, though, which he develops with a well-referenced thoroughness that begins with Catherine's own account (The Memoirs of Catherine the Great, Mark Cruse, ed., 2005) of surviving palace politics as consort to the eccentric and disliked crown prince, Paul. The memoir, which suspends in 1758, alludes to another aspect of Catherine that tantalizes royalty readers, her liaisons with courtiers, most famously, Grigory Potemkin. Massie's treatment of them proves sympathetically perceptive to Catherine's warmth and her estrangement from them, humanizing the real woman behind the imperial persona. Written dramatically and almost visually, Massie's Catherine may attain the classic status that his Peter the Great (1980) and Nicholas and Alexandra (1967) already have.--Taylor, Gilbert Copyright 2010 Booklist

From Booklist, Copyright (c) American Library Association. Used with permission.
Review by Publisher's Weekly Review

The Pulitzer-winning biographer of Nicholas and Alexandra and of Peter the Great, Massie now relates the life of a minor German princess, Sophia of Anhalt-Zerbst, who became Empress Catherine II of Russia (1729-1796). She was related through her ambitious mother to notable European royalty; her husband-to-be, the Russian grand duke Peter, was the only living grandson of Peter the Great. As Massie relates, during her disastrous marriage to Peter, Catherine bore three children by three different lovers, and she and Peter were controlled by Peter's all-powerful aunt, Empress Elizabeth, who took physical possession of Catherine's firstborn, Paul. Six months into her husband's incompetent reign as Peter III, Catherine, 33, who had always believed herself superior to her husband, dethroned him, but probably did not plan his subsequent murder, though, Massie writes, a shadow of suspicion hung over her. Confident, cultured, and witty, Catherine avoided excesses of personal power and ruled as a benevolent despot. Magnifying the towering achievements of Peter the Great, she imported European culture into Russia, from philosophy to medicine, education, architecture, and art. Effectively utilizing Catherine's own memoirs, Massie once again delivers a masterful, intimate, and tantalizing portrait of a majestic monarch. (Nov.) (c) Copyright PWxyz, LLC. All rights reserved.

(c) Copyright PWxyz, LLC. All rights reserved
Review by Library Journal Review

As with his past best-selling biographies of Russian elites, Pulitzer Prize winner Massie (Peter the Great) does a wonderful job of pulling readers into his narrative, this one taking us into 18th-century Russia and the life of a young German princess, born Sophie Friederike Auguste von Anhalt-Zerbst, destined to change the course of her adopted country's history. From the young Sophie's journey to Russia at the invitation of Empress Elizabeth to her death after 34 years on the Russian throne (1762-96), readers will be absorbed and in sympathy with Massie's Catherine. His engaging narrative informs and entertains, covering everything from Catherine's friendships, marriage to Peter III, love affairs, political and intellectual beliefs, and attempts to reform the country according to ideals of the Enlightenment (she corresponded with many Enlightenment figures), to her reactions to major world events including the American Revolution and the Reign of Terror in France. VERDICT This book is aimed at the nonspecialist, as Massie does not present new sources or new angles of research. But it's a gripping narrative for general biography or Russian tsarist history buffs, an excellent choice for public, high school, and undergraduate libraries. [See Prepub Alert, 5/9/11.]-Sonnet Ireland, Univ. of New Orleans Lib. (c) Copyright 2011. Library Journals LLC, a wholly owned subsidiary of Media Source, Inc. No redistribution permitted.

(c) Copyright Library Journals LLC, a wholly owned subsidiary of Media Source, Inc. No redistribution permitted.
Review by School Library Journal Review

Massie's Nicholas and Alexandra consumed my 30th year, and I'm very happy to report that the Pulitzer Prize winner's new biography of Russia's longest-ruling female leader is doing the same for my 55th. While the books and their subjects inextricably inform one another, they are very different. Nicholas and Alexandra recounted the end of an empire and destruction of a family; Catherine the Great, on the other hand, got pretty much everything she wanted, whether it was the expansion of the Russian Empire's borders or the creation of the era's richest collection of art (Catherine built the Hermitage) or the friendship of such Enlightenment leaders as Voltaire and Diderot. She had three children, perhaps none by her hapless husband, and an almost continuous stream of lovers, dispatching one kindly and with gifts before taking on another. When it came to ruling, she did it Her Way: asked by her adult son Paul for more governmental responsibility, she replied, "I do not think your entrance into the Council would be desirable. You must be patient until I change my mind." Massie gracefully moves between considerations of Catherine's life and character and the political and military changes that were reshaping Europe during the last quarter of the 18th century. He is never stodgy but always dignified, carefully illuminating the facts so that readers can discover for themselves just what a badass Catherine really was. Roger Sutton has spent the last 15 years as editor-in-chief of The Horn Book. Follow him on Twitter @RogerReads. (c) Copyright 2012. Library Journals LLC, a wholly owned subsidiary of Media Source, Inc. No redistribution permitted.

(c) Copyright Library Journals LLC, a wholly owned subsidiary of Media Source, Inc. No redistribution permitted.
Review by Kirkus Book Review

Copyright Kirkus Reviews, used with permission.

Copyright (c) Kirkus Reviews, used with permission.

1 Sophia's Childhood Prince Christian Augustus of Anhalt-Zerbst was hardly distinguishable in the swarm of obscure, penurious noblemen who cluttered the landscape and society of politically fragmented eighteenth-century Germany. Possessed neither of exceptional virtues nor alarming vices, Prince Christian exhibited the solid virtues of his Junker lineage: a stern sense of order, discipline, integrity, thrift, and piety, along with an unshakable lack of interest in gossip, intrigue, literature, and the wider world in general. Born in 1690, he had made a career as a professional soldier in the army of King Frederick William of Prussia. His military service in campaigns against Sweden, France, and Austria was meticulously conscientious, but his exploits on the battlefield were unremarkable, and nothing occurred either to accelerate or retard his career. When peace came, the king, who was once heard to refer to his loyal officer as "that idiot, Zerbst," gave him command of an infantry regiment garrisoning the port of Stettin, recently acquired from Sweden, on the Baltic coast of Pomerania. There, in 1727, Prince Christian, still a bachelor at thirty-seven, bowed to the pleas of his family and set himself to produce an heir. Wearing his best blue uniform and his shining ceremonial sword, he married fifteen-year-old Princess Johanna Elizabeth of Holstein-Gottorp, whom he scarcely knew. His family, which had arranged the match with hers, was giddy with delight; not only did the line of Anhalt-Zerbst seem assured, but Johanna's family stood a rung above them on the ladder of rank. It was a poor match. There were the problems of difference in age; pairing an adolescent girl with a man in middle age usually stems from a confusion of motives and expectations. When Johanna, of a good family with little money, reached adolescence and her parents, without consulting her, arranged a match to a respectable man almost three times her age, Johanna could only consent. Even more unpromising, the characters and temperaments of the two were almost entirely opposite. Christian Augustus was simple, honest, ponderous, reclusive, and thrifty; Johanna Elizabeth was complicated, vivacious, pleasure-loving, and extravagant. She was considered beautiful, and with arched eyebrows, fair, curly hair, charm, and an exuberant eagerness to please, she attracted people easily. In company, she felt a need to captivate, but as she grew older, she tried too hard. In time, other flaws appeared. Too much gay talk revealed her as shallow; when she was thwarted, her charm soured to irritability and her quick temper suddenly exploded. Underlying this behavior, and Johanna had known this from the beginning, was the fact that her marriage had been a terrible-and was now an inescapable-mistake. Confirmation first came when she saw the house in Stettin to which her new husband brought her. Johanna had spent her youth in unusually elegant surroundings. Because she was one of twelve children in a family that formed a minor branch of the ducal Holsteins, her father, the Lutheran bishop of Lübeck, had passed her along for upbringing to her godmother, the childless Duchess of Brunswick. Here, in the most sumptuously magnificent court in north Germany, she had become accustomed to a life of beautiful clothes, sophisticated company, balls, operas, concerts, fireworks, hunting parties, and constant, tittering gossip. Her new husband, Christian Augustus, a career officer existing on his meager army pay, could provide none of this. The best he could manage was a modest gray stone house on a cobbled street constantly swept by wind and rain. The walled fortress town of Stettin, overlooking a bleak northern sea and dominated by a rigid military atmosphere, was not a place where gaiety, graciousness, or any of the social refinements could flourish. Garrison wives led dull lives; the lives of the wives of the town were duller still. And here, a lively young woman, fresh from the luxury and distractions of the court of Brunswick, was asked to exist on a tiny income with a puritanical husband who was devoted to soldiering, addicted to rigid economy, equipped to give orders but not to converse, and eager to see his wife succeed in the enterprise for which he had married her: the bearing of an heir. In this endeavor, Johanna did her best-she was a dutiful if unhappy wife. But always, underneath, she yearned to be free: free of her boring husband, free of their relative penury, free of the narrow, provincial world of Stettin. Always, she was certain that she deserved something better. And then, eighteen months after her marriage, she had a baby. Johanna, at sixteen, was unprepared for the realities of motherhood. She had dealt with her pregnancy by wrapping herself in dreams: that her children would grow into extensions of herself and that their lives eventually would supply the broad avenue on which she would travel to achieve her own ambitions. In these dreams, she took it for granted that the baby she was carrying-her firstborn-would be a son, an heir for his father, but more important a handsome and exceptional boy whose brilliant career she would guide and ultimately share. At 2:30 a.m. on April 21, 1729, in the chill, gray atmosphere of a Baltic dawn, Johanna's child was born. Alas, the little person was a daughter. Johanna and a more accepting Christian Augustus managed to give the baby a name, Sophia Augusta Fredericka, but from the beginning, Johanna could not find or express any maternal feeling. She did not nurse or caress her little daughter; she spent no time watching over her cradle or holding her; instead, abruptly, she handed the child over to servants and wet nurses. One explanation may be that the process of childbirth nearly cost Johanna her life; for nineteen weeks after Sophia was born, the adolescent mother remained confined to her bed. A second is that Johanna was still very young and her own bright ambitions in life were far from fulfilled. But the stark, underlying reason was that her child was a girl, not a boy. Ironically, although she could not know it then, the birth of this daughter was the crowning achievement of Johanna's life. Had the baby been the son she so passionately desired, and had he lived to adulthood, he would have succeeded his father as Prince of Anhalt-Zerbst. Then the history of Russia would have been different and the small niche in history that Johanna Elizabeth earned for herself never would have existed. Eighteen months after the birth of her first child, Johanna gave birth to the son upon whom she had set her heart. Her fondness for this second infant, Wilhelm Christian, became all the more intense when she realized that something about the child was seriously wrong. The boy, who appeared to suffer from rickets, became her obsession; she petted him, spoiled him, and scarcely let him out of her sight, lavishing on him all the affection she had denied her daughter. Sophia, already keenly aware that her own birth had been a disappointment to her mother, now observed the love with which Johanna surrounded her little brother. Gentle kisses, whispered endearments, tender caresses all were bestowed on the boy-while Sophia watched. It is, of course, common for the mother of a handicapped or chronically ill child to spend more time with that child, just as it is normal for other children in the family to resent this disproportionate attention. But Johanna's rejection of Sophia began before Wilhelm's birth, and then continued in aggravated form. The result of this maternal favoritism was a permanent wound. Most children, rejected or neglected in favor of a sibling, react more or less as Sophia did: to avoid more hurt, she sealed off her emotions; nothing was being given her and nothing was expected. Little Wilhelm, who simply accepted his mother's affection as normal, was quite innocent of any wrongdoing; even so, Sophia hated him. Forty years later, writing her Memoirs, her resentments still simmered: It was told me that I was not very joyfully welcomed._._._._ My father thought I was an angel; my mother did not pay much attention to me. A year and a half later, she [Johanna] gave birth to a son whom she idolized. I was merely tolerated and often I was scolded with a violence and anger I did not deserve. I felt this without being perfectly clear why in my mind. Thereafter, Wilhelm Christian goes unmentioned in her Memoirs until his death in 1742 at the age of twelve. Then, her brief account is unemotionally clinical: He lived to be only twelve and died of spotted [scarlet] fever. It was not until after his death that they learned the cause of an illness which had compelled him to walk always with crutches and for which remedies had been constantly given him in vain and the most famous physicians in Germany consulted. They advised that he be sent to baths at Baden and Karlsbad, but he came home each time as lame as before he went away and his leg became smaller in proportion as he grew taller. After his death, his body was dissected and it was found that his hip was dislocated and must have been so from infancy._._._._At his death, my mother was inconsolable and the presence of the entire family was necessary to help her bear her grief. This bitterness only hints at Sophia's enormous resentment against her mother. The harm done to this small daughter by Johanna's open display of preference marked Sophia's character profoundly. Her rejection as a child helps to explain her constant search as a woman for what she had missed. Even as Empress Catherine, at the height of her autocratic power, she wished not only to be admired for her extraordinary mind and obeyed as an empress, but also to find the elemental creature warmth that her brother-but not she-had been given by her mother. Even minor eighteenth-century princely families maintained the trappings of rank. Children of the nobility were provided with nurses, governesses, tutors, instructors in music, dancing, riding, and religion to drill them in the protocol, manners, and beliefs of European courts. Etiquette was foremost; the little students practiced bowing and curtseying hundreds of times until perfection was automatic. Language lessons were paramount. Young princes and princesses had to be able to speak and write in French, the language of the European intelligentsia; in aristocratic German families, the German language was regarded as vulgar. The influence of her governess, Elizabeth (Babet) Cardel, was critical at this time in Sophia's life. Babet, a Huguenot Frenchwoman who found Protestant Germany safer and more congenial than Catholic France, was entrusted with overseeing Sophia's education. Babet quickly understood that her pupil's frequent belligerence arose out of loneliness and a craving for encouragement and warmth. Babet provided these things. She also began to give Sophia what became her permanent love of the French language, with all its possibilities for logic, subtlety, wit, and liveliness in writing and conversation. Lessons began with Les Fables de La Fontaine; then they moved on to Corneille, Racine, and Molière. Too much of her education, Sophia decided later, had been sheer memorization: "Very early it was noticed that I had a good memory; therefore I was incessantly tormented with learning everything by heart. I still possess a German Bible in which all the verses I had to memorize are underlined with red ink." Babet's approach to teaching was gentle compared to that of Pastor Wagner, a pedantic army chaplain chosen by Sophia's fervently Lutheran father to instruct his daughter in religion, geography, and history. Wagner's rigid methodology-memorize and repeat-made little headway against a pupil whom Babet had already described as an esprit gauche and who asked embarrassing questions: Why were great men of antiquity such as Marcus Aurelius eternally damned because they had not known of Christ's salvation and therefore could not have been redeemed? Wagner replied that this was God's will. What was the nature of the universe before the Creation? Wagner replied that it had been in a state of chaos. Sophia asked for a description of this original chaos; Wagner had none. The word "circumcision" used by Wagner naturally triggered the question: What does that mean? Wagner, appalled at the position in which he found himself, refused to answer. By elaborating on the horrors of the Last Judgment and the difficulty of being saved, Wagner so frightened his pupil that "every night at dusk I would go and cry by the window." The next day, however, she retaliated: How can the infinite goodness of God be reconciled with the terrors of the Last Judgment? Wagner, shouting that there were no rational answers to such questions, and that what he told her must be accepted on faith, threatened his pupil with his cane. Babet intervened. Later Sophia wrote, "I am convinced in my inmost soul that Herr Wagner was a blockhead." She added, "All my life I have had this inclination to yield only to gentleness and reason-and to resist all pressure." Nothing, however, neither gentleness nor pressure, could assist her music teacher, Herr Roellig, in his task. "He always brought with him a creature who roared bass," she later wrote to her friend Friedrich Melchior Grimm. "He had him sing in my room. I listened to him and said to myself, 'he roars like a bull,' but Herr Roellig was beside himself with delight whenever this bass throat was in action." She never overcame her inability to appreciate harmony. "I long to hear and enjoy music," Sophia-Catherine wrote in her Memoirs, "but I try in vain. It is noise to my ears and that is all." Babet Cardel's approach to teaching children lived on in the empress Catherine, and, years later, she poured out her gratitude: "She had a noble soul, a cultured mind, a heart of gold; she was patient, gentle, cheerful, just, consistent-in short the kind of governess one would wish every child to have." To Voltaire, she wrote that she was "the pupil of Mademoiselle Cardel." And in 1776, when she was forty- seven, she wrote to Grimm: One cannot always know what children are thinking. Children are hard to understand, especially when careful training has accustomed them to obedience and experience has made them cautious in conversation with their teachers. Will you not draw from that the fine maxim that one should not scold children too much but should make them trustful, so that they will not conceal their stupidities from us? The more independence Sophia displayed, the more she worried her mother. The girl was arrogant and rebellious, Johanna decided; these qualities must be stamped out before her daughter could be offered in marriage. As marriage was a minor princess's only destiny, Johanna was determined "to drive the devil of pride out of her." She repeatedly told her daughter that she was ugly as well as impertinent. Sophia was forbidden to speak unless spoken to or to express opinions to adults; she was made to kneel and kiss the hem of the skirt of all visiting women of rank. Sophia obeyed. Bereft of affection and approval, she nevertheless maintained a respectful attitude toward her mother, remained silent, submitted to Johanna's commands, and smothered her own opinions. Excerpted from Catherine the Great: Portrait of a Woman by Robert K. Massie All rights reserved by the original copyright owners. Excerpts are provided for display purposes only and may not be reproduced, reprinted or distributed without the written permission of the publisher.