Review by New York Times Review
HISTORIANS may someday debate whether the financial crisis that began a year ago is most notable for how much damage it did to the United States, or how little it inflicted on the world's major rising power, China. Helped by huge state intervention and buoyant optimism almost surreally undiminished by the crisis of confidence across the Pacific, China has had a very good downturn. It is closing the gap with the world's most developed economies faster than anticipated and could overtake Japan as the world's second-largest economy when the final figures for last year are tallied. China's already rapid emergence is changing many things, from diplomatic alliances in Africa to the status of the dollar as the world's favorite currency. It may also open minds to a provocative thesis that, until a short time ago, might have been dismissed as breathless hyperbole. In "When China Rules the World," Martin Jacques, a columnist for The Guardian of London and a visiting scholar at the London School of Economics, argues that China will not just displace the United States as the major superpower. It will also marginalize the West in history and upend our core notions of what it means to be modern. This bold assertion, he acknowledges, rests on the assumption that nothing will derail the political stability and economic dynamism China enjoys today. It is not clear that even the most senior leaders in Beijing share Jacques's faith in that forecast. But the future is unknowable, and his extrapolations are, of not provable, at least plausible. The strength of his book lies in his exhaustive, incisive exploration of possibilities that many people have barely begun to contemplate about a future dominated by China. Much of the journalism and many of the best-selling books on China treat the country's rise as an economic phenomenon. It is presented as a developing country, albeit the biggest one, that has opened its doors to the West, allowed a Western-style market economy to flourish and exported goods to wealthy consumers abroad. Those things are true. But Jacques argues that the focus on the economic side of the story has lulled the West into a false sense of security. "The mainstream Western attitude has held that, in its fundamentals, the world will be relatively little changed by China's rise," he writes. Rather, he says, "the rise of China will change the world in the most profound ways." Unlike Britain, the United States or Germany at various times during the past 200 years, China is not emerging on the world stage as a new, powerful nation-state. It is, instead, as one Chinese writer put it, regaining "lost international status," becoming the first ancient civilization to reemerge and reclaim its position as a dominant power. China was the wealthiest, most unified and most technologically advanced civilization until well into the 18th century, Jacques points out. It lost that position some 200 years ago as the industrial revolution got under way in Europe. Scholars once viewed China as having crippling social, cultural and political defects that underscored the superiority of the West. But given the speed and strength of China's recent growth, those defects have begun to look more like anomalies. It is the West's run of dominance, not China's period of malaise, that could end up being the fluke, Jacques writes. Skyscrapers and stock markets in China look like those in the West, of course. But Jacques argues that the country's cultural core resembles ancient China far more than it does modern Europe or the United States. It is accumulating wealth much faster than it is absorbing foreign ideas. The result, he says, is that China is nearly certain to become a major power in its own mold, not the "status quo" power accepting of Western norms and institutions that many policy makers in Washington hope and expect it will be. The enduring loyalty of its enormous diaspora and even the global popularity of Chinese food testify to the appeal of Chinese culture abroad. But the pervasiveness of a country's culture depends only partly on its appeal. It also depends on strength, which China is acquiring, and scale, which it already has. Many Chinese have learned English to compete better in the world economy. But the future, Jacques writes, belongs to Mandarin. It is the national tongue of one in five people in the world, and it is rapidly edging out English as the preferred second language in Asia. In the early days of the Web, the language of cyberspace was English. But the explosion of Internet use in China will tip the balance to Mandarin before long. China has pioneered its own style of economic production. If the Japanese became known for obsessive quality and just-in-time inventory controls, China has developed a reputation for speed and flexibility. Its companies mix and match suppliers; buy, copy or steal ideas; and churn out products just good enough and just cheap enough to sell. Many multinationals have trouble competing, even when they use Chinese labor. China also manages its economy in its own fashion. Its public and private sectors blur together in ways that befuddle Americans accustomed to strict separation of government and business. Ferociously competitive entrepreneurs thrive alongside a "hyperactive and omnipresent" state that has never ceded its right to intervene. As China finds its own path economically, it is unlikely to look west for political advice, Jacques suggests. Its ruling Communist Party, having largely set aside its socialist ideology, has become a modern version of an imperial dynasty. China's Communist leaders have flirted with reviving Confucianist thought, positioning themselves as protectors of Chinese unity, the state's traditional role. Many Chinese see that mission as sacred. Jacques argues, credibly, that most Chinese will back their leaders, with or without democratic reforms, as long as the country keeps getting stronger. So how might the world work under Pax Sinica? Jacques ventures some fascinating guesses: The United States often promotes democracy within nations. China insists on democracy among nations. If the power of countries in the international arena were determined by how many people they represent, China would have more clout than all the Western democracies combined. Jacques has lived in China, and he writes about his travels there. But it seems clear that he has developed his views from reading books and newspapers (a voluminous quantity of them, to be sure) rather than through any immediate experiences in China or by getting to know its people. Possibly as a result, he dwells little on the everyday turmoil of Chinese life - the mélange of cultures in its cities, the violent uprisings of its peasants, the factional struggles in its leadership, the pollution in the air, the gridlock on the streets, the bubbly economy and the corrupt bureaucracy. Others have and will be more successful at conveying the human struggle for China's future. But the fact that China looks messier in practice than in books does not invalidate Jacques's thesis. He has written a work of considerable erudition, with provocative and often counterintuitive speculations about one of the most important questions facing the world today. And he could hardly have known, when he set out to write it, that events would so accelerate the trends he was analyzing. Jacques argues that China will not just displace the United States; it will also marginalize the West. Joseph Kahn is a former Beijing bureau chief and now a deputy foreign editor of The Times.
Copyright (c) The New York Times Company [December 13, 2009]
Review by Booklist Review
A British journalist with experience reporting from China and Japan, Jacques explores the increasing influence of a strengthening China on international relations. Citing economic statistics in abundance, Jacques depicts China's booming economy in relative ascendance over those of Europe, Japan, and the U.S. The author argues, however, that China's civilization rather than its GDP will be the crucial impact on the international system, which he sees as Western-created, U.S.-dominated, and given Jacques' certainty that the U.S. is a declining power destined to be modified by China. Essentially, Jacques refutes that Western theories of modernization and democratization apply to China and predicts a Chinese style of modernity characterized by a revival of a Chinese historical sense of civilizational superiority. Delivering a tour d'horizon of China's relations with foreign countries, Jacques envisions their future development as comparable to a comeback of imperial China's tributary system. Jacques' views will be discussion starters for trend-spotting students of the world scene.--Taylor, Gilbert Copyright 2009 Booklist
From Booklist, Copyright (c) American Library Association. Used with permission.
Review by Publisher's Weekly Review
A convincing economic, political and cultural analysis of waning Western dominance and the rise of China and a new paradigm of modernity. Jacques (The Politics of Thatcherism) takes the pulse of the nation poised to become, by virtue of its scale and staggering rate of growth, the biggest market in the world. Jacques points to the decline of American hegemony and outlines specific elements of China's rising global power and how these are likely to influence international relations in the future. He imagines a world where China's distinct brand of modernity, rooted firmly in its ancient culture and traditions, will have a profound influence on attitudes toward work, family and even politics that will become a counterbalance to and eventually reverse the one-way flow of Westernization. He suggests that while China's economic prosperity may not necessarily translate into democracy, China's increased self-confidence is allowing it to project its political and cultural identity ever more widely as time goes on. As comprehensive as it is compelling, this brilliant book is crucial reading for anyone interested in understanding where the we are and where we are going. (Nov.) (c) Copyright PWxyz, LLC. All rights reserved
(c) Copyright PWxyz, LLC. All rights reserved
Review by Library Journal Review
Jacques (visiting research fellow, Asia Research Ctr., London Sch. of Economics) writes that "we stand on the eve of a different kind of world, but comprehending it is difficult." Providing both an overview of Chinese history and culture and an analysis of issues from colonialism and American imperialism to globalization and the financial crisis, this extensively researched work attempts to comprehend China's future role. Jacques takes the unusual approach of describing China as a "civilization-state" and argues that its rise will challenge the international status quo in ways not addressed by those who judge progress in terms of Westernization. Verdict Jacques raises a multitude of thought-provoking questions about China's future role on the world stage. While he provides enough political, cultural, and historical context that even casual readers will be able to engage with his thesis regarding the hypothetical future of a globally dominant China, given its density and scholarly nature this book will be most appealing to readers who already have some understanding of the debate over China's global role and are interested in another perspective.-Madeline Mundt, Univ. of Nevada Lib., Reno (c) Copyright 2010. Library Journals LLC, a wholly owned subsidiary of Media Source, Inc. No redistribution permitted.
(c) Copyright Library Journals LLC, a wholly owned subsidiary of Media Source, Inc. No redistribution permitted.
Review by Kirkus Book Review
British scholar and Guardian columnist Jacques (co-editor: New Times, 1989, etc.) delivers a clear-eyed look at how China's recent modernization will leapfrog Western "superiority." For millennia China existed in a state of "splendid isolation," while the West, namely Britain, adapting many Chinese inventions, embarked on the Industrial Revolution funded by coal reserves and colonial contributions. Although China had the wherewithal for modernization, the author asserts, it lacked adequate sustainable resources, which Europe derived from the slave trade and colonization. However, China's recent transformation, in a relatively short time, "has been more home-grown than Western import." Jacques walks the reader through the early establishment of an authoritative, rigidly hierarchical system in China, from emperor to warlord to Mao, encompassing an emphasis on education, family structure, a central bureaucracy and maintaining harmony. He writes that China is not just a nation-state, but a "civilization-state," and is only halfway through its economic takeoff, and not yet prepared to implement a multiparty democratic system. Many will argue that China recognizes it doesn't really need democracy, which would serve as a "distraction from the main task of sustaining the country's economic growth." Jacques discusses at length issues of racism, culture and language, and he examines China's likely future impact on other emerging economic powers like Africa, Iran and the Middle East, Russia, India and South Asia. So what will Chinese global hegemony look like? Not at all like the West. Cultural differences do matter, and Jacques ably demonstrates that China's process of modernization derives from its own "native sources of dynamism." Copyright Kirkus Reviews, used with permission.
Copyright (c) Kirkus Reviews, used with permission.
