Custer's trials A life on the frontier of a new America

T. J. Stiles

Book - 2015

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Published
New York : Alfred A. Knopf 2015.
Language
English
Main Author
T. J. Stiles (author)
Edition
First edition
Physical Description
xxi, 582 pages, 32 unnumbered pages of plates : illustrations ; 25 cm
Bibliography
Includes bibliographical references (pages 545-552) and index.
ISBN
9780307592644
Contents unavailable.
Review by Choice Review

Stiles, winner of a National Book Award and a Pulitzer Prize, focuses his attention on the life of George Armstrong Custer. One can hope that his insightful, well-written biography will limit the need for others to write more about his subject. The author's narrative gives a detailed, readable, and even-handed account of Custer's life based on a wide variety of existing historical literature and personal papers. It examines his marriage, family, and financial affairs as well as his military career. Although a skilled cavalry officer, Custer disregarded army regulations and could not manage a peacetime command effectively. Personally insecure and from a poor family, he sought patrons within the army and among wealthy civilians. After the Civil War, he spent almost as much time in New York City on personal business as he did serving with his regiment in the West. The account shows Custer as looking back to mid-19th-century individualism rather than to the newly emerging urban, industrial society that followed the Civil War. This is a good story, fairly told. Summing Up: Recommended. Most collections. --Roger L. Nichols, University of Arizona

Copyright American Library Association, used with permission.
Review by New York Times Review

IS IT POSSIBLE to read a biography of George Armstrong Custer without thinking about his death from the first page? One hundred and thirty-nine years after the Battle of the Little Bighorn, we still cannot say his name without picturing the mutilated bodies of his men or being overwhelmed by the sharp, lingering shame of the Plains Wars and the wholesale slaughter of Native Americans. While we cannot forget how Custer died, however, few of us remember how he lived. Who he was, what he hoped to leave behind, even what brought him to that fateful day in 1876, these questions we cannot answer, and rarely ask. If anyone could make a reader forget Custer's last stand, at least for a few hundred pages at a time, it would be T. J. Stiles. Winner of both the National Book Award and the Pulitzer Prize for his 2009 biography of Cornelius Vanderbilt, "The First Tycoon," Stiles is a serious and accomplished biographer, but he is more than that. He is a skilled writer, with the rare ability to take years of far-ranging research and boil it down until he has a story that is illuminating and, at its best, captivating. When reading "Custer's Trials," what quickly becomes clear is that while perhaps no man is better known for his death, Custer had a remarkably full life, especially since he lived to be only 36 years old. He was a West Point graduate (although he was last in his class, a position now known as the "goat"), a hero in the Civil War, a brigadier general at just 23 and a major general at 24. He tried, and failed, to be a Wall Street tycoon in the same league as John Jacob Astor and a writer of the renown of Mark Twain. He fought for the North but identified with the South. He was kind to his black servant, a recently freed teenage girl, but often harsh with his own men. As many loathed as loved him, begrudgingly admiring his courage while openly ridiculing his vanity. In fact, if there is anything we remember about Custer's life, it is his vanity. During the Civil War he vowed that he would not cut his hair until he entered Richmond, Va., but his long, blond locks, which curled over his collar, had been his defining feature well before then. At West Point, his fellow cadets had given him two nicknames: Fanny, because they thought his hair "gave him a girlish appearance," and Cinnamon, for the scented oil he used on it. He loved theatrical clothing, adding a brocaded velveteen jacket to his Civil War uniform and buying custom-made fringed buckskins before heading west to fight the Sioux and the Cheyenne. "General Custer appeared in his well-known frontier buckskin hunting costume," a reporter for The New York Herald wrote, marveling at the "comical sealskin hat" he wore with it. Custer, though, wanted not only attention but also admiration. After his first battle, during which his regiment fled before Custer had a chance to fire a single shot, he wrote a letter to a friend that went on for 24 pages, describing in rich detail his personal bravery and the essential role he had played in the battle, claims that ranged, Stiles writes, "from flatly untrue to greatly exaggerated." With gallantry, Custer believed, came fame, and with fame personal advancement. "My every thought was ambitious," he admitted to his wife. "Not to be wealthy, not to be learned, but to be great." He did, however, want to be wealthy, as wealth brought power. He also, despite his poor showing at West Point, wanted to be an intellectual, or at least to be considered one. "His perennial look-at-me hunger for attention seems juvenile," Stiles writes, "because it was." But as self-absorbed as Custer was, he wasn't a fraud. He was genuinely brave, trusting to what he and his friends called "Custer's Luck" to see him through. He never shied away from danger, always wanting to be the hero in every situation, and he played the part with relish. "Gen. Custer is, to those who know him intimately, the very beau ideal of the American cavalry officer," The New York Times wrote in 1867. "He is a magnificent rider, fearlessly brave, a capital revolver shot and without a single objectionable habit." While Custer was certainly a skilled soldier, he had more than a few objectionable habits, most of which were given free rein since he refused to feel remorse. Among the rules "which I have always laid down," he wrote, was "never to regret anything after it is done." He gambled; he was almost certainly unfaithful to his wife; and, in the confusion of war, he even stole a horse, a thoroughbred stallion named Don Juan, which he proudly rode in a military parade, Stiles writes, sitting "astride his sin." CUSTER'S GRAVEST SIN, however, and the one for which he will always be remembered, was his open, even eager willingness to drive Native Americans off their land and, in the process, kill as many as necessary. Although, as Stiles argues, he was not bloodthirsty, Custer certainly believed that the Plains Wars were justified. More than that, they were personally useful. In 1867 he was court-martialed for ordering deserters to be shot without trial and for abandoning his regiment while traveling to see his wife. He was found guilty and publicly humiliated. The Plains Wars were his chance for redemption. "I do not ask to shorten the campaign," he wrote. "On the contrary I am in favor of pounding away as long as we can stand it or as long as we can find Indians." As willing as he was to risk his own life, and to take the lives of others, Custer had wanted for himself a "good death." Early in the Civil War, he had seen a young soldier lying on the ground, about to be buried with some 200 other men. "I was struck by his youthful appearance," he wrote to his sister, "together with something handsome about his face which even death had not removed." Largely untouched in death, the man could be remembered as he had been or, better, as he wished he had been. When Custer "singled out a rare still-handsome corpse, he reinforced the illusion that his would be a Good Death as well," Stiles writes, "his body intact, his looks preserved, his family informed of his valor." Not only did Custer not have a good death - the bodies of his men, including his nephew and two brothers, horribly mutilated, his own body left naked and run through with an arrow - but he has been remembered for little else. Although, as Stiles himself acknowledges, there has been no shortage of books about Custer, most, like Nathaniel Philbrick's "The Last Stand," drive irresistibly toward his death. By explaining Custer's life without constantly looking over his shoulder at the fate that awaits him, even going so far as relegating the Battle of the Little Bighorn to the epilogue, Stiles has perhaps given him a measure of redemption. Yet even "Custer's Trials" cannot give the man the legacy he had imagined for himself, which, as Stiles writes of the fortune Custer never made, "vanished in the dark space between anticipation and realization." Custer's 'look-at-me hunger for attention seems juvenile,' Stiles writes, 'because it was.' CANDICE MILLARD is the author, most recently, of "Destiny of the Republic: A Tale of Madness, Medicine and the Murder of a President." Her new book on Winston Churchill in South Africa will be out next fall.

Copyright (c) The New York Times Company [January 5, 2016]
Review by Publisher's Weekly Review

Stiles, winner of a National Book Award and a Pulitzer Prize for 2009's The First Tycoon, grounds this spectacular narrative of George Armstrong Custer in skillful research to deliver a satisfying portrait of a complex, controversial military man. The biography centers on the importance of period context in understanding character, incisively showing that Custer lived uncomfortably on a "chronological frontier" of great modern change in the U.S. Though Custer is best known for his fatal "last stand" at the 1876 Battle of the Little Bighorn, Stiles recounts how the officer first attracted national attention for his cavalry exploits during the Civil War. Stiles also delves into the role of celebrity in Custer's life, tracing the ebb and flow of his popularity over more than a decade after the war, as Custer struggled to find a prominent place in the "peacetime" army that the U.S. deployed in the West against Native Americans. Custer's personal life was tumultuous: he was a womanizer before and during his marriage to Libbie Bacon, and their home life was complicated by the presence of a freed bondswoman as well as persistent rumors that he had taken a captive Cheyenne woman as his "mistress." Confidently presenting Custer in all his contradictions, Stiles examines the times to make sense of the man-and uses the man to shed light on the times. Illus. (Nov.) © Copyright PWxyz, LLC. All rights reserved.

(c) Copyright PWxyz, LLC. All rights reserved
Review by Library Journal Review

Pulitzer Prize-winning author Stiles (The First Tycoon) doesn't disappoint with this powerful, provocative biography of George Armstrong Custer (1839-76). Determined to explore why Custer became a national celebrity, Stiles covers the entire life of "The Boy General," emphasizing the dynamism of Custer's life and times, rather than portraying him as on a slow march toward defeat and death at the Battle of the Little Bighorn (Custer's Last Stand), where Lakota and Northern Cheyenne warriors proved victorious in June 1876. Custer was an outstanding cavalry officer in Civil War battles, and his ascent to power is chronicled in the first half of the book while the latter narrative portrays its subject as a romantic war hero addressing the realities of a brutal westward Indian campaign. The historical context of 19th-century America becomes as much a part of the story as is Custer, his wife, Libbie, and Eliza Brown, a young escaped slave who became their household manager. VERDICT A highly recommended modern biography that successfully illuminates the lives of Custer and his family as part of the changing patterns of American society. [See Prepub Alert, 4/20/15.]-Nathan Bender, Albany Cty. P.L., Laramie, WY © Copyright 2015. Library Journals LLC, a wholly owned subsidiary of Media Source, Inc. No redistribution permitted.

(c) Copyright Library Journals LLC, a wholly owned subsidiary of Media Source, Inc. No redistribution permitted.
Review by Kirkus Book Review

Pulitzer Prize and National Book Award winner Stiles (The First Tycoon: The Epic Life of Cornelius Vanderbilt, 2009, etc.) gives a warts-and-all portrait of Gen. George Armstrong Custer (1839-1876), giving full rein to both his admirers and critics. Custer graduated at the bottom of his West Point class in 1861 with the most demerits of any of the students. Only the demerits foreshadowed the brilliant tactician's future. In the first half of the book, the author provides an excellent chronicle of Civil War battles and the politics of war. Custer's undisputed prowess as a cavalry officer in the war fed his ambitions. He gained a place on George McClellan's staff that would prove especially deleterious. His flamboyance, velvet uniform, and slouching hat might have made him a laughingstock, but his ability was real and his courage, sincere. His knowledge of tactics and ability to read his environment gained him promotions and celebrity. He led from the front, but he was incapable of management. His postwar assignments in Texas and Kansas brought out the cruel, tyrannical man who abused and humiliated his men. His published writings chronicle his fascination with natural history, but they provided little income. He dabbled in the railroads and a silver mine venture, and he gambled on stock speculation. Stiles ably points out his many defining flaws: his heroic style didn't work in an era of tact and skill, and there is no doubt that he was self-serving, generally assuming that rules weren't made for him and never showing remorse. In addition to examining Custer's life, the author also introduces his cook, the fascinating Eliza Brown, an escaped slave who deserves a biography of her own. Stiles digs deep to deliver genuine insight into a man who never adapted to modernity. The author confirms, but perhaps excuses, the worldview of the "boy general with the golden locks." Copyright Kirkus Reviews, used with permission.

Copyright (c) Kirkus Reviews, used with permission.

A voice called out to Custer, telling him to come see the observation balloon. He stepped out of the large tent that he shared with three other officers and his dogs and looked up. It was aloft, floating over the Union encampment. He found his field glass in his hand, so he put its twin lenses to his eyes. He was stunned to see two young women from Monroe seated in the basket--women in whom he had a certain interest. He dropped his field glass and ran to the balloon's base a short distance away. "Let me go up too," he begged the men in charge of it. They agreed. In a moment he somehow reached the basket high above, "but my friends had gone, much to my disappointment." He awoke. Unusually, he remembered the dream. "I always deal with realities," he wrote to his sister. "I am not a believer in dreams"--unlike his mother--"but on the contrary think it absurd to pay any attention to them." The more he disavowed any significance, the more he implied that the dream haunted him. Two attractive young women appear in his most isolated post, a basket in the air; he suddenly, inexplicably, rises to that great height; they vanish the instant he reaches them. He corners what he desires, yet it escapes him, leaving him bewildered and alone. When he stepped outside of his tent in the morning--awake, this time--he found himself at Harrison's Landing, the James River bivouac where the Army of the Potomac had retreated after the victory at Malvern Hill. McClellan established his headquarters at Berkeley Plantation, virtually the birthplace of the slaveholding aristocracy in the South. Out of respect, McClellan did not occupy the brick manor house, but ordered tents erected on the grounds. There he brooded on his enemies in the administration. Just after the Battle of Gaines's Mill, McClellan had sent a remarkable telegram to Secretary Stanton. "If I save this Army now I tell you plainly that I owe no thanks to you or any other persons in Washington--you have done your best to sacrifice this Army." He knew his accusation was shocking, but, he wrote to his wife, Lincoln was "entirely too smart to give my correspondence to the public--it would have ruined him & Stanton forever." His delusion was not tested. In Washington the telegraph supervisor excised that last sentence, and so McClellan's anger grew unchecked. On July 8, in stifling heat and humidity, Lincoln came to Harrison's Landing. McClellan and staff, including Custer, met his steamer at the pier and conducted him on a review of the army. Afterward the general and the president sat together under an awning on the deck of Lincoln's vessel. McClellan handed the president a letter. Lincoln opened it and read as the general waited. "I earnestly desire . . . to lay before your excellency, for your private consideration, my general views concerning the existing state of the rebellion," McClellan wrote. It should not be a war looking to the subjugation of the people of any State in any event. It should not be at all a war upon population, but against armed forces and political organizations. Neither confiscation of property, political executions of persons, territorial organization of States, or forcible abolition of slavery should be contemplated for a moment. . . . Military power should not be allowed to interfere with the relations of servitude, either by supporting or impairing the authority of the master. He argued that the owners of contrabands should be compensated. And he backed his political lecture with an implicit threat: "A declaration of radical views, especially upon slavery, will rapidly disintegrate our present armies." Lincoln said nothing, a silence that McClellan took as vindication. The general even saw his defeat as a fine thing, reversing his earlier analysis. "God has helped me, or rather has helped my army & country," he told his wife on July 10. "If I had succeeded in taking Richmond now the fanatics of the North might have been too powerful & reunion impossible." He wrote to Samuel L. M. Barlow, the Democratic Party insider, "I have lost all regard & respect for the majority of the administration, & doubt the propriety of my brave men's blood being spilled to further the designs of such a set of heartless villains." The self-absorbed general did not see the rising anger at his performance, in the North and even in his own army. Senator Zachariah Chandler of Michigan, an influential Radical on the Joint Committee on the Conduct of the War, wrote to his wife on July 6, "I can hold my temper no longer & will not try. . . . McLelland is an awful humbug & deserves to be shot." McClellan airily wrote to Barlow, "I do not think it best to reply to the lies of such a fellow as Chandler--he is beneath my notice." McClellan also misread Lincoln. The recent setbacks had convinced the president that victory required farther-reaching policies. On July 13, he told two cabinet members, "We must free the slaves or be ourselves subdued. The slaves were undeniably an element of strength to those who had their service, and we must decide whether that element should be with us or against us." But McClellan was blind to these shifts in politics--and blind to himself as well. Custer was more complicated. In the weeks that followed Lincoln's visit, he did two things that illustrated his inner contradictions--actions that were true to himself, yet pointed to two very different possible futures. One of his deeds was to take part in a Confederate wedding. His old friend John "Gimlet" Lea had been paroled after the Battle of Williamsburg--allowed to go free as long as he did not return to military service before being formally exchanged. Prisoners on both sides obeyed the terms of paroles with remarkable faithfulness. Custer had heard that a family in Williamsburg was caring for his badly wounded friend, and McClellan gave permission to go to look for him. Custer found Lea restored to health. Lea said that he was engaged to the daughter of his host--"very beautiful to say the least," Custer wrote--and asked Custer to serve as best man. He agreed. During the wedding ceremony they stood together in uniform, one in blue and one in gray, opposite the bride and her attractive cousin Maggie. As Custer escorted Maggie out of the room, he told her she couldn't be a very strong secessionist to agree to take the arm of a Union officer. "You ought to be in our army," she said. "I asked her what she would give me if I would resign in the Northern army and join the Southern," he wrote. She replied, "You are not in earnest, are you?" He remained with Lea for two weeks, flirting with Maggie. The four spent each evening in the parlor, playing cards or listening to Maggie on the piano, playing "Dixie," "For Southern Rights Hurrah," and other rebel tunes. Custer did not mind; he was more interested in her beauty than her politics. In a sense, though, his very presence was political, in a way McClellan fully endorsed. The other thing he did set a different tone, an implacable tone. "He vowed that he would not cut his hair until he entered Richmond," Tully McCrea wrote to a friend. "You may think from this that he is a vain man, but he is not; it is nothing more than his penchant for oddity. . . . He is a gallant soldier." He would let his curly blond hair grow and grow until the Union achieved total victory--a sign that he wanted total victory, a sign that became more visible with each day. "Captain! Captain!" Custer heard the cry from the far side of some nearby bushes. It was the bugler, still just a boy. "Two secesh are after me!" Custer reined his horse around and found the lad firing his carbine at two Confederates approaching on horseback. Custer drew his revolver and spurred toward them. It was August 5, 1862, on the Peninsula. Two days earlier he had crossed the James River on a raid with Col. William W. Averell, who commended him for his "impetuous dash." Now he rode with Averell again in a probe of the rebels near White Oak Swamp. He and about 400 Union cavalrymen had charged a few dozen troopers of the 10th Virginia Cavalry, dispersing them. Custer had galloped off to the left after some escaping Confederates, away from the main body, when he heard the bugler. Seeing Custer, the two rebels turned and fled. Custer rode one of them down; at his call to surrender, the Confederate hesitated, then reined in his horse and handed over his carbine. Custer took him back to the rest of his detachment and put him under guard, then rode out again, accompanied by a lieutenant and ten men. "We had not gone far until we saw an officer and fifteen or twenty men riding toward us with the intention of cutting their way through and joining their main body," he wrote. "When they saw us coming toward them however, they wheeled suddenly to the left and attempted to gallop around us." Custer picked out the officer and spurred his fine black horse into a gallop. The rebel's mount was at least as fast, so Custer angled to cut him off at a rail fence ahead. The Confederate jumped his horse cleanly over it. Custer followed, his own horse clearing the top rail. He had never felt such a surge of adrenaline--"exciting in the extreme," he wrote. The enemy landed on soft ground, wet after a recent rain, which slowed his progress. Custer guided his horse to more solid footing and rapidly drew closer, hooves thudding the earth, freshly loaded revolver in hand. Surrender, he yelled. Surrender or I will shoot. "He paid no attention," Custer wrote. He fired and missed. "I again called on him to surrender, but received no reply." He cocked his revolver--the six chambers in its cylinder hand--packed with lead balls, powder charges, and percussion caps--and leveled the barrel as he rode. "I took deliberate aim at his body and fired." The hammer snapped down on the percussion cap, sparking the gunpowder, which exploded in a jet of flame and smoke, propelling the ball on a spiraling path through the rifled barrel until it burst out of the muzzle. The other rider suddenly relaxed, sat upright in his saddle for an instant, and toppled heavily to the ground. Now Custer's strange sense of isolation, his temporary tunnel universe of only him and his prey, evaporated. His party appeared all around him, firing wildly at the rest of the escaping Confederates. The bugle call of "rally"--the command to return to the main force--warbled through the trees. Custer spotted a cluster of five riderless horses. He recognized a bright bay, a "blooded" thoroughbred. An exceptional straight steel sword swung from a black morocco saddle ornamented with silver nails and a red morocco breast strap. It was the horse of his victim, "a perfect beauty." Custer took its rein and led it behind him. "A splendid trophy," he wrote. He did not see the man he had shot. The lieutenant who fought with Custer "told me that he saw him after he fell, and that he rose to his feet, turned around, threw up his hands and fell to the ground with a stream of blood gushing from his mouth." Again Averell commended Custer, for his "gallant and spirited conduct." But this skirmish was unique. It was the first time he had killed a man--rather, that he knew he had killed a man. He had ridden in charges and ordered at least one himself; he had shot at the enemy and commanded that volleys be fired; but never had he selected an individual and destroyed his life. He had passed through a doorway with no return. "It was his own fault," he explained to his sister and brother-in-law. "I told him twice to surrender, but was compelled to shoot him." He was answering a silent question--a question no one had asked but himself. Often he had expressed his willingness to die for his country; though not a devout man, his statements reflected the faith in which he had been raised, a religion that worshipped Him who had given His life that others may live. But Custer had never written about killing. It was a soldier's defining function, of course, what set him apart from the civilian, even the constable, detective, or armed guard. Now he faced its reality. The enemy soldier had been riding away, trying to escape. Custer tracked him, calculated his approach, and took careful aim. He shot him in the back. He had picked a man and erased his memories, canceled his hopes. He had wiped from existence his victim's taste for his favorite food, his habit of how he wore his hat, his superstitions, his most secret fear, the way he laughed. He took the man from his parents and children and friends forever. I tried not to kill him, Custer told himself. I tried twice. And then I had no choice. Whether the answer satisfied him or not, he never asked the question again. Excerpted from Custer's Trials: A Life on the Frontier of a New America by T. J. Stiles All rights reserved by the original copyright owners. Excerpts are provided for display purposes only and may not be reproduced, reprinted or distributed without the written permission of the publisher.