Apollo's angels A history of ballet

Jennifer Homans

Book - 2010

Unique among the arts, ballet has no written texts or standardized notation. It is a storytelling art passed on from teacher to student. A ballerina dancing today is a link in a long chain of dancers stretching back to sixteenth-century Italy and France: Her graceful movements recall a lost world of courts, kings, and aristocracy, but her steps are also marked by the dramatic changes in dance and culture that followed. From ballet's origins in the Renaissance and the codification of its basic steps and positions under France's Louis XIV (himself an avid dancer), the art form wound its way through the courts of Europe, from Paris and Milan to Vienna and St. Petersburg. Jennifer Homans, a historian and critic who was also a professi...onal dancer, traces the evolution of technique, choreography, and performance in clear prose, drawing readers into the intricacies of the art with vivid descriptions of dances and the artists who made them--From publisher description.

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Subjects
Published
New York : Random House c2010.
Language
English
Main Author
Jennifer Homans (-)
Edition
1st ed
Physical Description
xxv, 643 p., [40] p. of plates : ill. (some col.), ports. ; 25 cm
Bibliography
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN
9781400060603
  • Acknowledgments
  • Introduction: Masters and Traditions
  • Part 1. France and the Classical Origins of Ballet
  • Chapter 1. Kings of Dance
  • Chapter 2. The Enlightenment and the Story Ballet
  • Chapter 3. The French Revolution in Ballet
  • Chapter 4. Romantic Illusions and the Rise of the Ballerina
  • Chapter 5. Scandinavian Orthodoxy: The Danish Style
  • Chapter 6. Italian Heresy: Pantomime, Virtuosity, and Italian Ballet
  • Part 2. Light from the East: Russian Worlds of Art
  • Chapter 7. Tsars of Dance: Imperial Russian Classicism
  • Chapter 8. East Goes West: Russian Modernism and Diaghilev's Ballets Russes
  • Chapter 9. Left Behind? Communist Ballet from Stalin to Brezhnev
  • Chapter 10. Alone in Europe: The British Moment
  • Chapter 11. The American Century I: Russian Beginnings
  • Chapter 12. The American Century II: The New York Scene
  • Epilogue: The Masters Are Dead and Gone
  • Notes
  • Bibliography
  • Index
  • Illustration Credits
Review by Choice Review

A former professional ballet dancer and current dance critic for The New Republic and scholar in residence at New York University, historian Jennifer Homans has written what The New York Times deemed one of the ten best books of the year and what Toni Bentley, writing in the Times's Sunday Book Review, argued is "the only truly definitive history of the most impossibly fantastic art form, ballet." The book is divided into two parts (each six chapters): "France and the Classical Origins of Ballet" and "Light from the East: Russian Worlds of Art." Beginning in 1533, with the bringing together of the French and Italian cultures, Homans provides vivid explanations of the sociological and historical occurrences that brought ballet to fruition. She ends in New York City, with George Balanchine ("following Balanchine's death, his angels fell, one by one, from their heights"). Only in "The Masters Are Dead and Gone," the epilogue of this extremely well-researched book, does Homan express the opinion that "good" ballet may be gone (she hopes, of course, it is only sleeping). This thesis will cause much controversy. Written in an authentic, exciting voice, this book, with its excellent pictures, is a must read. Summing Up: Essential. All readers. L. K. Rosenberg Miami University

Copyright American Library Association, used with permission.
Review by New York Times Review

It has never been done, what Jennifer Homans has done in "Apollo's Angels." She has written the only truly definitive history of the most impossibly fantastic art form, ballet, this most refined, most exquisite art of "aristocratic etiquette," this "science of behavior toward others," as a 17th-century ballet master put it, in which lovely young women perch upon their 10 little toe tips (actually, it is really just the two big toes that alternately support the entire body's weight: think about it) and waft about where the air is thinner - but heaven is closer. She has taken this world where wilis, virgins, sylphs, sleeping princesses, the "women in white" embody the eternal - the eternally unattainable - and set it into the fabric of world history, and we see, miraculously, their pale tulle and satin pointes peeking out from the crevices of war, of revolutions, of political machinations, and on the stages of the monarchies and empires of the kings and czars who gave birth to this improbable art. Homans's accomplishment is akin to setting the most delicate and beautiful of all the imperial Fabergé eggs into a fissure high on Mount Rushmore and tracking its unlikely survival. And the question of ballet's survival lies at the core of Homans's moving story. "Ballets," Théophile Gautier wrote, "are the dreams of poets taken seriously." The tale of the tutu is indeed the story of a bunch of crazy dreamers, dancers, warriors of anatomy who have worked ludicrously hard to formulate, shape and perfect the highest form of the human physique, and the result is a glorious paradox: the manifestation of morality in muscle, truly Whitman's body electric. What a noble and superb cause! What folly in the face of guaranteed evanescence! Ballet is the body divined, and it is not by chance that all the work started at the royal court in France in the mid-16th century. Homans begins with what has long been considered the first ballet, "Ballet Comique de la Reine," which had its premiere in 1581. It was an extravagant sixhour affair, performed among the guests - elevated stages did not yet exist - in a large gallery at the Petit-Bourbon, and told an allegory of "the enchantress Circe vanquished by the powerful gods Minerva and Jupiter," ending with Circe presenting her magic wand to the king himself before a ballet of naiads, dryads, princesses and a queen. The purpose of the ballet was nothing short of elevating man, "to raise him up a rung on the Great Chain of Being and bring him closer to the angels and God." So the bar was set for this new art - and it couldn't have been higher; ballet is about Highness - and the angels of Homans's title take their first flight Ballet became so revered in France that by 1636 the Abbé Mersenne, a contemporary of Descartes and Pascal, referred to "the author of the Universe" as "the great Ballet-master." Thus ballet was born as the dance of kings. Louis XIlI designed costumes, wrote librettos and danced leading roles, being particularly fond of portraying the Sun and Apollo, god of music and poetry. His son, Louis XIV, made his debut in 1651 at 13 and studied with his ballet teacher, Pierre Beauchamps, daily, for more than 20 years. The dancing master in Molière's "Bourgeois Gentilhomme" declares that "all the misfortunes of mankind, all the disasters of which history is full, the bungling of politicians and the mistakes of great generals, all come through not learning to dance." Where, I ask you, is Obama's Beauchamps? It was Beauchamps who first codified the five positions of the body, providing "the crucial leap from etiquette to art," and they remain to this day the beautiful base of outwardly rotated feet and legs from which classical ballet rises and expands centrifugally. Homans documents this passionate path with impressive grace - she was herself a professional ballet dancer and is now the dance critic for The New Republic - across Europe from its birth in France, with stopovers in Italy, Denmark, Germany and Austria, landing in Russia in the mid-19th century and then returning to Western Europe in the early years of the 20th century, and finally, here, to America, where it reached its apogee in the last half of the century. The stops along the way often provide great charm. It was the enchanting French ballerina Marie Sallé in the mid-18th century who introduced the novel idea, with her revealing drapery and sensual movement (she was much admired by Voltaire and Montesquieu), that women, including ones of humble origins, might dance, not just men and kings. The history of ballet is also a story of class; ballet is a language of vertical ascent, physicalized nobility. "Ballerinas," Homans writes, "acted like aristocrats even when in real life they most emphatically were not." But mix they did, and more than one young dancer rose - or descended - to positions other than an arabesque in the famous corridors of the Paris Opera, "the nation's harem," as one police official termed it, where wealthy men trolled for pretty girls with limber limbs. It was the magnificent French dancer Auguste Vestris, a favorite of Marie Antoinette's, who "pried the feet open" to 180 degrees (Louis XIV had maintained a dignified 90), and they have remained there ever since. He also insisted on fully pointed feet, and thus soft, flat ballet shoes with ribbons wrapped around the ankles were born. A teacher of mammoth energy and passion, he gave lessons lasting three hours that would include "48 pliés followed by 128 grand battements, 96 petits battements glissé, 128 ronds de jambes sur terre and 128 en l'air." Any dancers reading this are now rolling their eyes in empathic agony, but ballet, like prayer, is ritual repetition: the more you do, the closer you get to perfection, to God. (Malcolm Gladwell's 10,000-hours-to-genius rule is a mere drop in the rosin box for a ballet dancer.) Vestris also forbade any "provincial insecure shuffling of the feet." The French ballet master Charles-Louis Didelot, in "Psyché et l'Amour" (1809), kept "provincial" shuffling to a minimum, and his most famous ballet literally took flight not with angels but with 50 live white doves "outfitted in minicorsets and attached to wires," carrying the chariot of Venus to the heavens. What delightful imaginings are those of dancers, ever searching to soar - though one does worry about those corseted doves. Marie Taglioni, the first ballerina still generally recognized, was born in Stockholm in 1804 into a dynasty of Italian dancers, and her rise to immortal fame is fascinating not least because she was one ugly duckling. According to Homans, she was "poorly proportioned, with a bent posture and skinny legs," though she came to symbolize not only exquisite feminine beauty but the best kind, the kind you can't have. How this determined young woman overcame these apparently extreme deficiencies and danced her way into history is a mesmerizing tale of body and soul outwitting gravity and that somewhat more horizontal pull: the male gaze. She made her debut as ballet's iconic sylph in "La Sylphide" in 1832, a supernatural creature who was "strong but frail, sexually alluring but chaste, in love but fiercely independent" Inspired by Taglioni, Chateaubriand called the sylphide a "masterpiece" of a woman and was driven, Homans says, into "frenzied states of uncontrolled imagination and desire." Not bad for a "famously ugly" woman. Taglioni's success reached far beyond the stage, and she became "a force of anarchy and dissolution," Homans writes, "a woman's dancer" (in Gautier's words). "Decent" women "had to settle for a subdued and controlled life, but underneath they were desperate to 'abandon their soft and calm existence' for 'storms of passion' and 'dangerous emotions.' Taglioni lived what they could only dream: a . . . fully expressed life." And you wonder why little girls want to dance? They intuit that inside a corseted tutu lies untold freedom. August Bournonville, an almost exact contemporary of Taglioni and a friend of Kierkegaard, was born in Denmark, but he traveled throughout Europe, studied with Vestris in Paris and even fought a duel to defend his teacher's honor. He came home from his sojourn to direct the Royal Danish Ballet for 47 years, creating some 50 ballets, though only a handful remain. In his emphasis on precise, unsentimental footwork, free of passion and angst, he added to the lexicon of ballet as few others have. "Excelsior," the most successful Italian ballet in history (that you have probably never heard of), claims its place in Homans's narrative for less than artistic reasons: it has yet to be surpassed in sheer spectacular display and bad taste. Choreographed by Luigi Manzotti in 1881, it offered a cast of "more than 500, including 12 horses, 2 cows and an elephant." The lead roles were Light, Darkness and Civilization (the ballerina), and they were joined by Invention, Harmony, Fame, Strength, Glory, Industry and Science. This extravaganza ended with Light banishing Darkness and communing in a "warm embrace" with Civilization. "Excelsior" had 100 performances in Milan at La Scala, and then in virtually every other city across Italy before it zoomed around the world: South America, the United States, Berlin, Madrid, Paris, Vienna and St. Petersburg. By 1931, the ballet had incorporated the "progress" of Fascism. But as Homans points out so lucidly, while "Excelsior" was, well, ridiculous, it had an amazing side effect: it produced hundreds of performers who traveled abroad staging, dancing and teaching, spreading the seeds of ballet like dandelion florets. Among them were the illustrious Italian teacher Enrico Cecchetti, who staged Manzotti's ballet in St. Petersburg, and Carlotta Brianza and Pierina Legnani, who became the first Princess Aurora and Odette/Odile, respectively, for the great Russian ballets of Marius Petipa, "The Sleeping Beauty" and "Swan Lake." While Manzotti spawned an international dynastic dancing family, all ballet dancers since the mid-19th century are the progeny of Petipa. Like Sallé, Vestris and Taglioni, Petipa was from a long line of dancers. Born in Marseille, he studied with Vestris in Paris, traveled widely and, like Bournonville, fought a duel, in Madrid with a French marquis, though Petipa's was not over the honor of his art but over the apparent dishonor of a young lady. Petipa shot off the marquis's jaw and jetéd away unscathed. It is comforting to know that two of the three great choreographers in ballet history - we will get to George Balanchine soon - were winning duelers, willing to risk their bodies for honor, as all dancers do. Yes, only three men of such genius to add to and permanently change the language itself in all 400 years, so rare is the great dance maker. It would be as if all classical music had only Mozart, Bach and Beethoven, no Wagner, Verdi, Brahms, Schubert or Chopin, or all literature had only Shakespeare, Dickens and Tolstoy, no Dante, Cervantes, Dostoyevsky, Austen, Thomas Mann or Elmore Leonard. PETIPA arrived in St. Petersburg in 1847 and lived there for more than 50 years, dying in 1910 at the age of 92. He had two Russian ballerina wives, nine children, and never learned to speak Russian, though he became an eager and respected member of the czar's court. Interestingly, he produced his masterworks, the cornerstones of the art, the Latin of all classical ballet - "The Sleeping Beauty," "The Nutcracker" and "Swan Lake" (he also rechoreographed "Giselle" in the form we know it today) - in an astonishing late flowering after the age of 70! This outpouring - some done with the significant help of the ballet master Lev Ivanov - was attributable, in part, to Tchaikovsky, "the first composer of real stature to see ballet as a substantial art," Homans writes. "Petipa became a great choreographer because of Tchaikovsky, and he knew it" She evokes the sweetness of their close collaboration: Tchaikovsky would visit Petipa's house and play his new composition on the piano "while Petipa shifted his papier-mâché figurines around a large round table." By 1903 Petipa was forced to retire, and the Imperial Theaters were floundering. But within only six years Serge Diaghilev brought Russian ballet back to Paris, the place of its birth - his company, the Ballets Russes, never danced in Russia - and unleashed a frenzy of modernist creativity the results of which were widespread and groundbreaking. Never before had so many artists of note been pulled together by one man, whose edict was "Astonish me!" His grand experiment lasted only 20 years, but its legacy is vast - perhaps most notable for two artists whom he helped usher out of Russia: Stravinsky and Balanchine. Working together and separately, they would become two of the great artists of Time, their shared subject. Homans provides good overviews of the major players of the 20th century. British ballet led by the formidable Ninette de Valois, Frederick Ashton and Margot Fonteyn, had its culmination in the Fonteyn-Nureyev partnership in the 1960s, though it produced its best - and certainly most enduring - gift to ballet in Michael Powell's 1948 cinematic masterpiece, "The Red Shoes." "During the war we were all told to go out and die for freedom and democracy," Powell said. "After the war 'The Red Shoes' told them to die for art." And why not? Homans does justice - and then some - to the propaganda dram-balets under Soviet Communism and their extraordinary dancers: Galina Ulanova, Maya Plisetskaya - "a fierce and undying swan" - Vladimir Vasiliev, Natalia Makarova, Nureyev and Baryshnikov. While calling ballet "Britain's finest cultural hour," Homans states that "the Bolshoi's rise signaled a sharp decline for the art of dance." About its signature ballet, "Spartacus," she writes, "Even at its most thrilling (Vasiliev), it was quite clearly a degraded form of art." But ballet was an important national symbol, even if Nikita Khrushchev complained that he had seen so many "Swan Lakes" that his dreams were laden with "white tutus and tanks all mixed up together." The British Antony Tudor (William Cook) and the American Jerome Robbins (Jerome Rabinowitz) each get an indepth assessment; together they form the angst-driven sadists - onstage and off - of 20th-century ballet, and each created a few classic ballets. Tudor, choreographer of "Pillar of Fire," "Lilac Garden" and "Dark Elegies," liked his performances to be "executed in cold blood." "Breaking down a person isn't hard," he explained, but then "you're terribly tempted to lay them flat and walk on them." Robbins is the undeniable King of Broadway, with works like "West Side Story," "On the Town" and "Fiddler on the Roof," but his ballets, his second language, never quite reached the same apotheosis. He was top second-rate ("Dances at a Gathering," "The Cage," "Afternoon of a Faun"), and Homans is unafraid to say so. His torture of his dancers and others - he named names before the House Committee on Un-American. Activities - was matched only by his well-earned selfhatred. His parents owned a kosher deli on East 97th Street in New York, and he admitted to a strong desire "to become an American and by American I mean WASP American." He wrote in his diary that he thought his fascination with ballet "has something to do with 'civilizationing' of my Jewishness. . . . The language of court and Christianity." And it is with "court and Christianity" that Homans arrives in the end. When she finally reaches the story of Georgi Balanchivadze, her book takes flight. She lets go of the professorial traces and dutiful descriptions that have occasionally punctuated previous pages - an editor should have fixed the multiple repetitions of "as we have seen" - and comes into her own with absolute authority. Her writing becomes inspired. Balanchine had that effect on people, and Homans was a student at his School of American Ballet (the "West Point of dance," as his co-founder, Lincoln Kirstein, called it). Moreover, it actually feels as if she wrote the book in order to get to Balanchine, the one she loves, to put him in his deepest context, and to present him as the pinnacle of the towering pyramid of dance that she has built for him, for us. There he is, the undisputed "Yahweh" of all dance history, the Apollo of her title, accompanied by his beloved muses, his dancers, his angels, leading his chariot, no corseted doves in sight. "His ballets are the jewel in the crown of 20th-century dance," Homans writes. "Their depth and scope far surpass those of the dances made by Robbins, Tudor, Ashton or any of the Soviets. . . . Few doubted that Balanchine towered over them all." While it took a Frenchman, Petipa, to make ballet Russian, it took a Russian, Balanchine, to make it American - the most unlikely transposition the art form has ever experienced. "Classical ballet was everything America was against," Homans explains. "It was a lavish, aristocratic court art, a high - and hierarchical - elite art with no pretense to egalitarianism," designed "to promote and glorify kings and czars." Whose divine right would it promote in the land of the equal, the free, the duly (and unduly) elected? But as Balanchine was fond of saying in the face of the impossible, or highly inadvisable, "Nevertheless. ..." And he proceeded to give American dancers an aristocracy all their own. The story of Balanchine has been told before and at greater length, but never better. Homans's account is the best that exists - for both the novice and those in the know. The opening of the School of American Ballet in 1933, the short-lived companies, the work on Broadway, in Hollywood, and then in 1948 the birth of the New York City Ballet, the incubator for him and his dancers, where he produced his greatest work. She gives us terrific appraisals of "Apollo," "Serenade," "La Valse," "Liebeslieder Walzer," "Agon" and "Stravinsky Violin Concerto." Homans even risks some close truths when she points out the reasons for the "unusual physical luminosity" of his dancers, who had "more dimension, more depth, more range" than other dancers. "Foremost among them was love," she writes. "Not love for dancing, although that was part of it, but Balanchine's love." The fuel his dancers ran on was not the cottage cheese, muffins and Tab they consumed but the sheer adrenaline of love, that immeasurable, magical component that takes a body beyond itself. Unlike Tudor and Robbins, Balanchine "was not interested in ordinary people or real social situations," Homans says. "Rather, for him ballet was an art of angels, of idealized and elevated human figures, beautiful, chivalric and above all strictly formal." Balanchine brought the art full circle back to Louis XIV. "Ballet is woman," Balanchine proclaimed, and he elaborated in a letter to Jackie Kennedy in 1961: "Man takes care of the material things and woman takes care of the soul. Woman is the world and man lives in it." Among his multiple images and portraits of women, one dominated: "a man and a woman who come together but cannot stay together," Homans writes, "dances that show the man alone, or abandoned by a woman who is too independent, too powerful, too goddess-like to give him the solace he needs." Balanchine said his biography was in the ballets - and Taglioni's anarchist sylph reigns on. "Balanchine's legacy was immense," Homans concludes. "He had given the world the greatest oeuvre in the history of dance and made classical ballet a preeminently modernist and 20th-century art." But "over the past two decades," she writes, it "has come to resemble a dying language," and thus she announces the awful truth. Ballet is such an ethereal, such a deeply moral exercise that it would appear to have less and less of a place in our current technology-driven world: there are no bytes for ballet. But ballet always seems to be ending; it has been finished, in fact, many times. The ballet master Jean-Georges Noverre saw it sliding into "empty and meaningless virtuosity" by the late 18th century, and Bournonville despaired for his art when he saw the "disgusting cancan" showing its garters in Paris theaters. And in 1936, F. Scott Fitzgerald wrote of "the catastrophe of the death of Diaghilev. The sorrow of it that Zelda felt, as did many others, who seemed to feel also that the ballet was ended." NOW, it would appear ballet is ending yet again. But this time, Homans thinks, it really is the end. "In the years following Balanchine's death," she writes, "his angels fell, one by one, from their heights." Her explanation is, sadly, convincing: "Contemporary choreography veers aimlessly from unimaginative imitation to strident innovation," while "today's artists . . . have been curiously unable to rise to the challenge of their legacy. They seem crushed and confused by its iconoclasm and grandeur." Terpsichore, like Victoria Page, has put on the red shoes and danced her last, no longer willing to "die for art," so her art dies. "At N.Y.C.B.," Homans writes of Balanchine and Robbins's old home, "the understandable desire to preserve its masters' legacy has led instead to a stifling orthodoxy," and she reports with restrained outrage of "a small but telling departure" from its former grace. "The New York State Theater, named for the people it served, was recently rechristened: it is now the David H. Koch Theater, for the millionaire whose ego and resources substitute for the public good." In a wickedly ironic footnote, bedbugs have also recently taken up residence with Koch in Balanchine's theater. The Fabergé egg has fallen. Today's ballerinas use Twitter, securing the fall of the fourth wall, and even Darren Aronofsky's new ballet film, "Black Swan," presents, uncannily, a haunting final image of a white tutu oozing blood. So what is one to do now, having seen, having known, a thing of such beauty that is facing imminent extinction? Jennifer Homans has put her mourning into action and has written its history, an eloquent and lasting elegy to an unlasting art. It is, alas, a eulogy. Serge Lifar of the Ballets Russes in Balanchine's "Apollo," which had its premiere in 1928. 'Ballerinas,' Homans writes, 'acted like aristocrats even when in real life they most emphatically were not.' For more on "Apollo's Angels," visit the Book Review's Paper Cuts blog at nytimes.com/papercuts. Toni Bentley danced with the New York City Ballet for 10 years and is the author of five books. She is writing a book about Balanchine's ballet "Serenade."

Copyright (c) The New York Times Company [November 28, 2010]
Review by Booklist Review

*Starred Review* Homans brings her intimate experience as a dancer and her discerning dance critic's eye to her fascinating and exquisitely detailed history of ballet, an art that combines rigor and idealism. Homans begins with how the Renaissance belief in the transforming power of art engendered the first ballets, which were performed in the sixteenth-century French court of King Henri II and Catherine de Medici, thus launching ballet's long association with state governments. Louis XIV then established ballet's core rules and conventions, including the five true or noble positions. Homans thoroughly and conversantly tracks ballet's flourishing in France, robust flowering in Russia, and exuberance in the U.S., emphasizing the progression from elaborate artifice to profound expressiveness. Homans also warmly profiles pivotal ballet masters, choreographers, and dancers, including the pioneering ballerina Marie Taglioni in La Sylphide (1832), the first modern ballet, and the essential Balanchine. Most arrestingly, Homans assesses ballet's grace under terror during the French and Russian revolutions, the world wars, and the cold war. Homans brings her glorious landmark study of ballet's ideals and enchantment to a somber close as she asks why this strong and supple art of belief, which triumphed over catastrophe and adversity, is now in danger of extinction.--Seaman, Donna Copyright 2010 Booklist

From Booklist, Copyright (c) American Library Association. Used with permission.
Review by Publisher's Weekly Review

Holmes's magisterial history of ballet is even better in audio. Kirsten Potter has a deep, smooth, sensuous voice that sounds as cultivated as the art form she describes. With pacing that allows the listener to savor the musicality of former ballerina Holmes's sentences, their lulling alliteration and lively wit, Potter brings the ambitious study of ballet's 500-year history (and bleak prognostications for its future) to life. Potter's French accent could use a bit of work; it's clumsy and forced, but doesn't detract too much from the pleasure of this panoramic look at the art's singularity, the discipline it demands (in Holmes's phrase, it is "a grammar of movement"), and the liberation it allows. A Random hardcover. (Jan.) (c) Copyright PWxyz, LLC. All rights reserved.

(c) Copyright PWxyz, LLC. All rights reserved
Review by Library Journal Review

The Random hc was a New York Times Book Review Best Book of 2010; Kirsten Potter reads. (c) Copyright 2011. Library Journals LLC, a wholly owned subsidiary of Media Source, Inc. No redistribution permitted.

(c) Copyright Library Journals LLC, a wholly owned subsidiary of Media Source, Inc. No redistribution permitted.
Review by Kirkus Book Review

A magisterial and often moving history of the silent art by a former dancer and current journalist.New Republic dance critic Homans confronts her historical problems immediatelymost ballets are lost. Because of difficulties with notation, the evanescent nature of movement itself and the relatively late arrival of visual-recording technology, we will never really know how Vaslav Nijinsky movedor how his many other predecessors created, defined and refined the dance. The author also expresses her fear that ballet is dying, a theme she revisits in a sadly valedictory section at the end. After stating these admonitions and worries, Homans leaps into European history, beginning with the 16th-century French, whose lavish court entertainments fathered the art. Later, she notes that Charles Perrault's 1697 story "Sleeping Beauty" would achieve enormous significance in ballet history (it was Balanchine's earliest and last dance experience). The author examines the increasing importance of story in ballets of the 18th century and credits Marie Antoinette for aiding ballet's success. In the 19th century, the ballerina began to soar in importance (here the author tells the story of Marie Taglioni). The scene then shifts to Denmark, where August Bournonville inspired a dance revolution. Next is Italy, where the art flourished before political and military matters fractured it. Unsurprisingly, Homans devotes many pages to the Russians, whose techniques of training and staging were dominant for decades. She looks at the Ballets Russes, Sergei Diaghilev, Nijinsky, Balanchine, Nijinska, Ulanova, Nureyev, Baryshnikov and other luminaries known and forgotten. The British had their (brief) time in the sun, but Homans shifts her focuse to Balanchine (who deservedly dominates the final sections), Joffrey, Robbins and many others in the American school.The author artfully choreographs a huge, sometimes unruly cast, producing a work of elegance, emotion and enduring importance.]] Copyright Kirkus Reviews, used with permission.

Copyright (c) Kirkus Reviews, used with permission.

Chapter 1 Kings of Dance Music and Dancing, not only give great pleasure but have the honour of depending on Mathematics, for they consist in number and in measure. And to this must be added Painting and Perspective and the use of very elaborate Machines, all of which are necessary for the ornament of Theatres at Ballets and at Comedies. Therefore, whatever the old doctors may say, to employ oneself at all this is to be a Philosopher and a Mathematician. -Charles Sorel According to Aristotle, ballet expresses the actions of men, their customs and their passions. -Claude-François Ménestrier The king's grandeur and majesty derive from the fact that in his presence his subjects are unequal. . . . Without gradation, inequality, and difference, order is impossible. -Le Duc de Saint- Simon It is to this noble subordination that we owe the art of seemliness, the elegance of custom, the exquisite good manners with which this magnificent age [of Louis XIV] is imprinted. -Charles-Maurice de Talleyrand WHEN THE FRENCH king Henri II wedded the Florentine Catherine de Medici in 1533, French and Italian culture came into close and formal alliance, and it is here that the history of ballet begins. The French court had long reveled in tournaments, jousting, and masquerades, but even these impressive and lavish entertainments fell short of those traditionally mounted by the princes and nobility of Milan, Venice, and Florence: flaming torch dances, elaborate horse ballets with hundreds of mounted cavaliers arranged in symbolic formations, and masked interludes with heroic, allegorical, and exotic themes. The ballet master Guglielmo Ebreo, writing in Milan in 1463, for example, described festivities that included fireworks, tightrope walkers, conjurers, and banquets with up to twenty courses served on solid gold platters with peacocks wandering on the tables. On another occasion, in 1490, Leonardo da Vinci helped to stage Festa de paradiso in Milan, featuring the Seven Planets along with Mercury, the three Graces, the seven Virtues, nymphs, and the god Apollo. The Italians also performed simple but elegant social dances known as balli and balletti, which consisted of graceful, rhythmic walking steps danced at formal balls and ceremonies, or on occasion stylized pantomime performances: the French called them ballets.1 Catherine (who was only fourteen when she married) dominated the French court for many years after Henri's death in 1559, bringing her Italianate taste to bear on French courtiers-and kings. Her sons, the French kings Charles IX and Henri III, carried the tradition forward: they admired the floats, chariots, and parades of allegorical performances they saw in Milan and Naples, and shared their mother's keen interest in ceremonial and theatrical events. In their hands, even strictly Catholic processionals could morph into colorful masquerades, and both monarchs were known to promenade through the streets at night dressed en travesti, adorned with gold and silver veils and Venetian masks, accompanied by courtiers in similar attire. Chivalric themes enacted with dancing, singing, and demonstrations of equestrian skill made for impressive theatrical collages, such as the joust held at Fontainebleau in 1564, which included a full-scale reenactment of a castle siege and battles between demons, giants, and dwarfs on behalf of six beautiful nymphs in captivity. These festivities, so seemingly gay in their extravagances, were not mere frivolous diversions. Sixteenth-century France was beset with intractable and savage civil and religious conflicts: the French kings, drawing on a deep tradition of Italian Renaissance thought and princely patronage of the arts, thought of spectacle as a way to soothe passions and calm sectarian violence. Catherine herself was no saint of tolerance, as her role in the murder of Huguenots in Paris during the St. Bartholomew's Day massacre in 1572 proved. But the brutality of this event should not blind us to the fact that she, her sons, and many others also genuinely hoped that theatrical events might be an important political tool, assuaging tensions and pacifying warring parties. It was in this spirit that Charles IX established in 1570 the Académie de Poésie et de Musique, modeled after the famous Renaissance Florentine Platonic Academy and drawing its members from a circle of distinguished French poets, including Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Jean Dorat, and Pierre de Ronsard.* Profoundly influenced by Neoplatonism, these poets believed that hidden beneath the shattered and chaotic surface of political life lay a divine harmony and order- a web of rational and mathematical relations that demonstrated the natural laws of the universe and the mystical power of God. Melding their own deeply religious beliefs with the Platonic notion of a secret and ideal realm more real than their own perceived world, they sought to remake the Christian church-not through the old practices of Catholic liturgy but through theater and art, and above all through the classical forms of pagan antiquity. Working with players, poets, and musicians, these men hoped to create a new kind of spectacle in which the rigorous rhythms of classical Greek verse would harmonize dance, music, and language into a measured whole. Number, proportion, and design, they felt, could elucidate the occult order of the universe, thus revealing God. A powerful alloy of mystical theology, recondite magic, and classical rigor, the new Academy represented a distinct form of idealism: music and art could summon men to their highest capacities and goals. The key lay in turning spirituality and learning to concrete theatrical effect. And so the Academy proposed an encyclopedic course of inquiry, including natural philosophy, languages, mathematics, music, painting, and the military arts. The focus, as one adherent later explained, was to perfect man "both in mind and body." Music-"the beautiful part of mathematics"-held a special place, with its celestial harmonies, Pythagorean logic, and penetrating emotional intensity seen as an unmatched suasion. "Songs," it was said (following Plato), "are the spells for souls." Or, as the statutes of the Academy put it, a bit more dryly, "where music is disordered, there morals are also depraved, and where it is well ordered, there men are well disciplined morally."2 So it was with dance. Indeed, the Academicians saw in ballet a chance to take man's troublesome passions and physical desires and redirect them toward a transcendent love of God. The body had long been seen as pulling man down, sacrificing his higher spiritual powers to material needs. On the Great Chain of Being, ranking all living things from the lowliest vegetative and material creatures up to the angels who occupied the highest rungs near God, man was consigned to the middle rungs: suspended perilously between beasts and angels, his highest spiritual aspirations were forever constrained by his earthly ties and gross bodily functions. But if he danced, so the men of the Academy believed, man might break some of these earthly ties and raise himself up, closer to the angels. The movements of the body, disciplined with poetic rhythm and meter and brought into accord with musical and mathematical principles, could tune him to celestial harmonies. Pontus de Tyard, a poet involved with the Academy, wrote of the logic justifying such claims in characteristically humanist terms: "The spread of the two arms and the extreme opening of the legs correspond to the height of the man: as does the length of the head multiplied eight or nine or ten times, according to different statues." It was this sense of perfect mathematical proportion that led the Abbé Mersenne, in a moment of high inspiration in 1636, to refer to "the author of the Universe" as "the great Ballet-master."3 To bring these lofty ideals to theatrical life the artists of the Academy labored to fit poetry and music to the meter of Greek verse. They scanned dance steps following a pattern of long and short syllables and notes, thus training gestures, walking, and skipping motions to the rhythms of music and poetry. Every Sunday the players performed for the king and other patrons. In sharp contrast to the lively social occasions of court performances, in which eating, drinking, and conversation were commonplace, the concerts at the Academy were given in absolute silence, and no one would be seated after the music and dances began. It was this devotional character that made subsequent generations of Catholic thinkers admire the Academicians as "Christian Orpheuses" who proved that with musical discipline "the whole of Gaul, in fact the whole world should ring to the greater glory of God and the hearts of all be inflamed with divine love."4 In 1581 the researches of the Academy came to fruition in the Ballet comique de la Reine. This ballet was given in celebration of the marriage of the queen's sister, Marguerite de Vaudémont, to the Duc de Joyeuse, himself an ardent supporter of the Academy. The Ballet comique was one of seventeen entertainments, including tournaments, a horse ballet, and fireworks, and the poets of the Academy prepared the celebrations in the ancient style, mixing sung verse, music, and dance. Performed in Paris in a large salle at the Petit-Bourbon to an audience of "persons of mark," the spectacle nonetheless attracted crowds numbering in the thousands who pressed their way to the palace, eager to witness the event. As was not uncommon, the performance began at 10:00 p.m. and lasted nearly six hours, finishing deep in the night.5 It was a spectacular but intimate affair. Elevated platform stages did not yet exist, and the actors of the Ballet comique performed up close in the audience's midst. The story they told was an allegorical tale of the enchantress Circe vanquished by the powerful gods Minerva and Jupiter. Like painters, ballet masters commonly worked with mythological manuals, thick reference books that detailed the allegorical and symbolic character of gods and goddesses. The story thus worked on many levels, which spectators at the time would have grasped: it was a tale of passions subjugated to reason and faith (a blunt reference to religious fanaticism), of the king and queen subduing their enemies, of discord resolved and the triumph of reconciliation and peace (the ballet was staged just nine years after the St. Bartholomew's Day massacre). As the dancing master Balthasar de Beaujoyeulx himself wrote in the preface to the ballet, "And now, after so many unsettling events . . . the ballet will stand as a mark of the strength and solidity of your Kingdom. . . . The blush of color has returned to your France."6 The dances were designed to prove the point. Created by Beaujoyeulx (celebrated by one contemporary as "a uniquely creative geometer"), they traced perfectly formed figures across the floor in tightly measured steps: circles, squares, and triangles, each demonstrating the ways that number, geometry, and reason ordered the universe and men's souls. At the end of the performance Circe bowed down and presented her magic wand to the king, and a grand ballet unfolded with twelve naiads in white, four dryads in green, and the queen and princesses forming and re-forming chains and shapes. "So dexterously did each dancer keep her place and mark the cadence," wrote Beaujoyeulx, "that the beholders thought that Archimedes himself had not a better understanding of geometrical proportions." Those watching, he hoped, would be "filled with awe."7 Many were. The Ballet comique de la Reine was lauded at the time and later engraved in French memory as the first of a new genre, the ballet de cour, which imposed what one scholar has called an "intense and exact classicism" on the heretofore freewheeling practices of medieval spectacle. Before the Ballet comique de la Reine, the dances in court performances were more like stylish walking than ballet. In the Ballet comique de la Reine, by contrast, there was a formal discipline and design, derived from the desire to make dance and music a measure of the order of the universe. It was the authors' concrete precision-their preoccupation with mapping the length, duration, measure, and geometry of a step-combined with their expansive spiritual aspirations that laid the groundwork for classical dance technique as we now know it. This was the base upon which ballet masters nearly a century later would build when, under the reign of the French king Louis XIV, they would systematize and codify ballet's steps according to a set of strict geometric principles.8 The Ballet comique de la Reine and the emergence of the ballet de cour thus marked an important departure from earlier practices: they invested dance with a serious, even religious purpose and joined it to French intellectual and political life. A strong idealistic strain derived from Renaissance humanism and amplified by the Catholic Counter-Reformation made cultivated men like those at the Academy believe that by welding dance, music, and poetry into a coherent spectacle they might actually begin to bridge the yawning gap between earthly passions and spiritual transcendence. It was a breathtaking ambition, and one that never really died in ballet, even if in more skeptical times it was sometimes forgotten or derided. The artists who created the Ballet comique de la Reine genuinely hoped to elevate man, to raise him up a rung on the Great Chain of Being and bring him closer to the angels and God. Not everyone at the time, however, appreciated the significance of the Ballet comique de la Reine. If some spectators found themselves awed, others were angered: how could the king waste such vast resources on a lavish entertainment in a time of civil war and strife? Henri III had long been criticized for his obsession with the Academy. One critic nailed a notice to the chamber where its poets met with the king, charging, "While France, crushed everywhere by civil war, is falling into ruin, our King practices grammatical exercises." He had a point, and indeed the high-minded enthusiasms of the men of the Academy were soon swept away in the violence that marked and finally ended Henri's ill-fated reign. Forced to flee Paris by the reactionary pro-Spanish Catholic League, which had designs on the throne, Henri had its leaders murdered only to be slain himself at the hand of a monk in 1589.9 The ideas first crystallized in the Ballet comique de la Reine, however, cast a long shadow. Well into the seventeenth century, distinguished scientists, poets, and writers looked back with admiration to the Academy's experiments, especially as Europe faced the renewed violence of the Thirty Years, War (1618-48). The Abbé Mersenne, whose home in the convent of Minimes at the Place Royal in Paris became a "post office" for the life of the mind in Europe in the first half of the century, wrote about the ballet de cour, and many of his friends and colleagues, including René Descartes, also discussed the art and in some cases even tried their hand at writing ballets. (Descartes offered the Ballet de la Naissance de la Paix to the queen of Sweden in 1649, just before his death.) At court, ballet remained central: the French queen Marie de Medici (Florentine by birth) held ballets in her apartments every Sunday and increased the number of performances at court. And her son King Louis XIII (1601-1643) became a fine dancer and avid performer.10 But it was not really the same. Under Louis XIII the lingering Neoplatonic ideals of the Academy faded in favor of a more instrumental raison d'état. As Louis and his formidable first minister, Cardinal de Richelieu, set about pulling the disparate and warring forces of France under the strengthening arm of the French state and making the king's power over his realm absolute, the meaning and character of ballet changed-it had to. Louis and Richelieu were more concerned with power than God, and rather than revealing the order of the universe, the ballet de cour now magnified the grandeur of the king. Thus the intellectual seriousness of the Ballet comique de la Reine gave way to a more bombastic and flattering style. This too would be an enduring aspect of ballet. Excerpted from Apollo's Angels: A History of Ballet by Jennifer Homans All rights reserved by the original copyright owners. Excerpts are provided for display purposes only and may not be reproduced, reprinted or distributed without the written permission of the publisher.